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Apr 29, 2008

SILAHARAS OF KOLHAPUR

SILAHARAS OF KOLHAPUR

OF THE THREE SILAHARA HOUSES ruling in western India, the one ruling over the territories now comprised mostly of Satara and Belaganv districts and the former State of Kolhapur rose into prominence towards the end of the 10th century. Their rule extended over these territories for over a little more than two centuries. The Silaharas of Kolhapur, are described as Kashtatriyas in an inscription found at Kolhapur. The Kolhapur records also reveal that they hailed from the city of Tagara which is probably Ter about 95 miles from Paithan (J.R.A.S. 1901, pp. 537). The predecessors of the Silahara family seem to have migrated to Kolhapur from the territory round Ter.

The records of this house mention Kolhapur, Panhala, fort and Valavade as capitals. There is a reference to the marriage of the Calukya emperor Vikramaditya VI with Vidyadhara i.e. Silahara princess Candaladevi or Candralekha having taken place in her father's capital at Karthatak or modern Karad which suggests that Karad may have been their capital. However, as most of the records of this house are found in Kolhapur and as the Goddess Mahaaksmi of Kolhapur was their deity, Kolhapur was the chief headquarters of their administration and Karad a provincial headquarter.

The first three personages in the above genealogy are mentioned only in the Talale plates of Gandaraditya and omitted by latter plates. This indicates that they had not achieved the lull status of kings during, the period (940 to 1000 A.D.). They are described as kings by their descendants only when the latter attained a royal status.

The first ruling king of this dynasty was Jatiga II. [A. S. Altekar-The Silaharas of Western India, 1936, page 419.] His reign can be placed between 1000 to 1020 A.D. as his grandson King Marasinha is known to be ruling in 1058 A.D. The records of King Marasinha mention him as Tagranagara Bhopalaka and Pamaladurgadrisinha which indicate that he had defeated the Calukyas who were formerly ruling over portions of Kolhapur State, and held the fort of Panhala, thus establishing his rule over the area. During the reign of Gonka, the Calukyas conquered Kolhapur, under their king Jayasinha (before 1024 A.D.) The Silaharas had to submit to the Calukyas in order to retain their kingdom. In the records, Gonka is described as conqueror of Kahada (Karad), Mairiage (Miraj) and Konkan. It is probable that Gonka might have extended his rule over these territories as an agent for or with the consent of his over-lords. Gonka was succeeded by his not very ambitious son Marasinha who in a copper plate grant describes the fort of Kilagila as his capital. Guvala II succeeded his father in 1057. However, till 1110 the history of the Silahara family becomes complicated as all princes are mentioned as kings. On the death of Guvala in 1055 A.D., Bhallala and Bhoja must have ruled the kingdom. Acugi II, the Sinda ruler of Yelburga, is said to have repulsed a certain Bhoja who can be only the Silahara Bhoja. Bhoja was succeeded by Gandaraditya [A. S. Altekar-The Silaharas of Western India, 1936, page 422-423.] who claims to be the undisputed king of Konkan. During the later period of his regime, his son Vijayaditya defeated Jayakesin II of Goa who had ousted the Silahara ruler of Thana. Gandarditya executed various public works. At Irukudi in Miraj district he built a lake called Gandusamudra on the bank of which he built temples in honour of Buddha, Jina and Sankara. Gandaraditya was succeeded by his son Vijayaditya. He joined in a conspiracy which was being formed by Bijjala, a minister of his feudal Lord Taila III, and in the revolution that ensued the Calukya supremacy came to an end. The Satara plates of his son claim that Vijayaditya reinstated the fallen lords of Sthanaka and Goa. Vijayaditya had to fight hard to wrest independence from Bijjala, the new sovereign but it was only after the death of Bijjala that Vijayaditya could assume full sovereignty. The last of the family was Bhoja II. [A. S. Altekar-ibid, page 424.] He appears to have assumed the imperial titles from the beginning of his rule and was determined to retain the imperial glory so strenuously won by his father. His greatness is described in one of his own inscriptions as follows: -" fear of the edge of Bhoja's sword caused Colaraja to take a spear on his head and frightened other kings; but by the favour of Mahalaksmi, Bhoja was worshipped by the kings; he was a Vikram of the Kali age". The fortunes of Bhoja however, received a crushing defeat at the hands of Singhana, the king of the newly rising power of Yadavas in 1212 A.D. He had to run away in disgrace. The kingdom was annexed by the Yadavas and thus ended the career of the Silaharas of Kolhapur.

With the exception of what has been noted above in connection with Vijayaditya, the inscriptions of Gandaraditya and his successors give no historical details. But as regards the termination of their power, there has been no trace of any member of the family after Bhoja II; and, in Sak 1135 (A.D. 1213-14), Srimukha samvatsara, the Devgiri-Yadav king Singhana II was in possession of the country round Miraj, as is proved by his Khedrapur inscription [Jour. Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. XII 7.] which records the grant by him of the village of Kudaladamavada, the modern, Kurundavad,. in the Mirinji country; and as inscriptions of Singhana II shortly after that date are found at Kolhapur itself [Graham's Kolhapur, 428-436.], it would seem that Bhoja II was the last of his family and that he was overthrown and dispossessed by Singhana II in or soon after Sak 1131 (A.D. 1209-10) Sukla samvatsara, which was the commencement of Singhana's reign It is said that Singhana defeated Silahlra Bhoja at Umalvad in A.D. 1210. [Ibid, Sankalift and Dikshit, p. 5.] This is borne out by one of Singhana's inscriptions dated Sak 1160, [P. S. and 0. 0. Inscription No. 112,1. 10.11.] which speaks of him as having been "a very Garuda in putting to flight the serpent which was the mighty king Bhoja, whose habitation was Panhala." [Pannala-nilara-prabala-Bhojabhnpala-vyala-vidravana-Vihatngaraja.] An inscription of Saka 1194 indicates that the first king of the Yadava dynasty, Simha, had his original seat of power near Kolhapur at Mirijaya (Miraj), while two earlier inscriptions of the kings Mahadeva and Narayana, dated Saka 1162 and 1172 respectively refer to the temple of Mahalaksmi at Kolhapur and the district (Desa or Visaya) of the same name. The Yadavas held the place and the adjacent country for at least 15 years more until Saka 1187 (A.D. 1265) as is shown by an inscription of Mahadeva. [Sankalia and Dikshit, p. 5 Mahadeva referred to last, must obviously have been the grandson of Simha or Sindhava.] It may be assumed that the territory remained part of the dominions of the Yadavs of Devagiri, till the very end of their rule (A.D. 1306-7) when it was conquered by Malik Kafur, though probably the connection of the rulers was merly nominal as the hilly part of the country was occupied by Maratha palegars.

Before we turn to the history of Kolhapur in the Musalman period it is necessary to summarise the results of the legendary, Puranic and epigraphical accounts given so far. It would appear that the site of the modern Kolhapur, long before the city grew up on the banks of the river known at present as Pancganga, was called " Kollapura", probably after the goddess Kolla" referred to by Sarasvatipurana and Karavir mahatmya. She might have been so called because she was the deity of aboriginal tribes such as Kols or Kolis, mentioned in the legend cited by Graham. So from very early times the site came to be known as a seat of Mother Goddess (Matrkasthana, Ksetra, or pitha). It grew in importance when another goddess Mahalaksmi, was installed in the city and when a temple was built there during the Rastrakuta period (C.A.D. 800). The earliest epigraphical and literary records known hitherto cannot take us before the 9th century; the temple architecturally also is of about that period and not earlier. All the records call the city Kollapura and describe the goddess Mahalaksmi. She is, however, regarded not as the consort of Vishnu but as the avatar or incarnation of Parvati, the consort of Siva, and is more popularly called Ambabai. [Khare's Marathi Mss. in print, Maharashtrachi Panch Daivaten] It is significant that Harivamsa makes no reference to Kolla or Mahalaksmi. It merely mentions Karvirapura and it is difficult to say definitely that Karvirpur refers to Kollhapura and to none else. For, it might as well be Karhataka which has the first syllable Kara. Kolhapur seems to have been hit upon, because the king Srgala of the city was turned into the Prakrt Kolha (from Sanskrit Krostr) and his city later called Kolhapura. It was Karvir-mahatmya which definitely put the two together and identified Karvirpura with Kollapura or Kolhapura. The original word was Kol or Kolla or Kholla. It may be a non-Aryan, Dravidian or Austric word. Khare compares it with some other words like Kolla, Kholla, Golla, meaning low ground and suggests that it may be from Kannada. [Sources of the Mediaeval History of the Deccan III, p. 20-21.] It is pointed out that this interpretation would suit the topographical features of the place. [ Sankalia and Dikshit, p. 8.]

Whatever the origin of the word and the place, it appears from the inscriptional evidence and archaeological excavations, that Kolhapur had so far two periods of prosperity. The first was under the Satavahanas, who turned it into a city having well built brick houses out of a modest village. After an interval of some centuries the Silaharas built magnificent temples there. These Continued to be patronised by the Yadavas. [ Khare's Maharastrachi Panch Daivaten,-unpublished.] From the references in Brhaspatisutra, which roughly belongs to the 12th or 13th century, it appears that the place was regarded as a Mahaksetra by the Saktas; but Chakradhara the founder of the Mahanubhava sect flourishing during this period has definitely banned any visit by his followers to Matapur and Kolhapur. [This discussion as regards the derivation of the word ' Kolhapur' and its early site is taken from the report on the Excavations at Brahmapuri (Kolhapur) by Dr. Sankalia and Dr. Dikshit, p. 7-8.]

Early History of Kolhapur

by Prof. E. V. Oturkar

(A.D. 100).
KOLHAPUR history may be divided into three periods, early Hindu period, partly mythic and partly historic, reaching to about A.D. 1347; Musalman period lasting from A.D. 1347 to about 1700; and Maratha period since 1700. Kolhapur would seem to be one of the very old cities in the country. In making some excavations on its site in 1877 the foundations of a large Buddhist relic mound were turned up and in the centre of the mound was found a square stone box with, on the inner face of its square lid, an inscription of about the third century before Christ recording " The gift of Bamha made by Dhamaguta." [Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatio Society, XIV. 147-154, Bombay Archeological Survey. Separate Number 10, page 39.] Copper and lead coins and brass models have also been found at Kolhapur which show that about the first century after Christ it was under rulers who were kings or viceroys of the great satakarni or Andhrabhritya dynasties of the North Deccan, one of whom bore the name Vilivayakura. [Journal Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. XIV. 152-153; Professor Bhandarkai's Early History of the Deccan, 17, 20.] About A.D. 150 the Egyptian geographer Ptolemy mentions Hippokura as the capital of Baleocures who governed the southern divisions of the Deccan peninsula. Hippokura is probably Kolhapur [In fact it is Dr. Bhandarkar who identifies Hippokura with Kolhapur; but Dr. Katre, who has examined the problem linguistically is of opinion that Hippokura cannot be derived from Kolhapura (Social Survey of Kolhapur by N. V; Sohani, Vol II, "page 2).] and Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar identifies Baleocures with the Vilivayakura of the coins. [Bertius' Ptolemy, 205; Deccan Early History, 20.]


(A.D. 750).

To about this time or a little earlier belong the Buddhist caves called Pandav Dara about six miles west of Panhala, and the Pavala caves near Jotiba's hill about nine miles north-west of Kolhapur. From the Andhrabhrtyas the district would seem to have passed to the early Kadambas (A.D. 500) whose chief capital was at Palasika or Halsi in Belgaum about a hundred miles south-east of Kolhapur. From the early Kadambas it would seem to have passed to the early and Western Calukyas from about 550 to 760; to the Rastrakutas to 973; from the Rastrakutas to the Western Calukyas, who held the district, to about 1190 and while under them, to the Kolhapur Silaharas (A.D. 942-1205), and to the Devagiri Yadavas upto the Musalman conquest of the Deccan about 1347. Of the early and Western Calukyas no copper plates or stone inscriptions referring to Kolhapur proper have yet been found, Of the Rastrakutas, two copper plate grants have been found, one at Samangad fort four miles south of Gadhinglaj and another at Sangli town. The Samangad grant, which belongs to the seventh Rasrakuta king Dantidurga or Dantivarma II, bears date sak 675 (A.D. 733-54) and mentions that Dantidurga's victorious elephants ploughed up the bank of the river Reva or Narmada, that he acquired supreme dominion by conquering Vallabha, and that he easily defeated the army of the Karnatak which was expert in dispersing the kings of Kanci or Conjeveram and Kerala, the Colas, the Pandyas, Sriharsa, and Vajrata. [Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties, 32-33. This is the earliest known inscription in which the date is expressed by figures arranged according to the decimal system of notation.] The Sangli copper plate grant belongs to the fourteenth king Govind V and is dated Sak 855 (A.D. 933-34) [Jour. Bom. Br. Roy. As. Soc. IV. 97; Fleet's Kanarese Dynasties 37.]. Of the Western Calukyas who succeeded the Rastrakutas in A. D. 973, there is a copper plate grant from Miraj, which belongs to king Jayasimha III. It was made by him in Sak 946 (A.D. 1024-25) at his victorious camp which, after warring against the mighty Colas, the lord of the city of the Candramila and after seizing the possessions of the lords of the Seven Konkans, was located near the city of Kolhapura or Kolhapur for conquering the northern country. There is an inscription of Somadeva in the Mahalaksmi temple at Kolhapur, but it does not refer to Kolhapur itself. Next in point of time is a reference in a grant of the Kadamb king of Goa of (A.D. 1078). Therein the king Sastha is said to have gone to Kolhapur and worshipped the Goddess Mahalaksmi. It was during Somesvara regime that Colas under Rajendra II invaded the Calukyan territory as far north as Kolhapur and even claimed to have set up a pillar of victory at this place. [Excavations at Brahmpuri by Dr. Sankalia and Dr. Dikshit pages 5-6.]

Apart from the inscriptional evidence on the basis of which the early history of Kolhapur is being traced here, there are many references in Puranas which throw light both on the derivation of the word Kolhapur and the sacredness that the city has come to possess on account of the location of Ambabai temple there. The Puranic evidence has to be utilised with great caution, but it would be wrong to keep it out of sight altogether. "According to Puranas," says Major Graham writing in 1854, " this tract of the country was originally called ' Kurwir' (Karavira) from the goddess Mahalaksmi using her mace (Kur) in lifting her favoured retreat from the waters of the great deluge." According to another legend the name " Kolhapur" is derived from the story that a demon " Kole " was defeated and killed on a hill in the vicinity of Kolhapur. [Sankalia and Dikshit, p. 1.] Karavir-mahatmya which was written in A.D. 1867 and is said to form part of Padmapurana refers to the goddess Mahalaksml. So does a section of the Markandeya purana called Devimahatmya, which is said to be not older than A.D. 800. Another Purana, Harivamia, refers to Karavirpura which is said to be the same as Kolhapur. It has been stated therein that Krisna, and Balaram in their fight against Jarasandha at Mathura had to go to the south and reached Karavirpura. The place was then ruled by Srgala who was a man of an evil disposition. The two brothers after some unsuccessful effort to settle elsewhere, gave battle to Srgala and killed him. The throne of Karvirpura was given to his son Sakradeva. After waiting for some time the two brothers went back to Mathura and they are said to have reached the distance within six days.

Among the literary references the most authentic and datable is that of Hemacandra (C.A.D. 1130), the famous Jain writer of Gujarat. In his Dvyasraya kavya he refers to the gift sent by the lord of Kollapura, who was blessed by the goddesses Laksmi and Gauri, for Prince Camunda, the son of Mularaja. If the account is a genuine record of events, then the antiquity of Kolhapur as a seat (pitha) of these goddesses can be placed at least one hundred years earlier than the time of Hemacandra himself (A. D. 1088-1173). In Visvakarma Sastra referred to by Hemadri in his caturvarga cintamani there is a reference to (Mahalaksml of Kollapura. Another work Sarasvatipurana refers to Kollapura as a Mahapitha (great seat) wherein the four goddesses Mahalaksml, Mahakali, Kolla and Kankala were installed in east, north, south and west of the place respectively by Jayasinha Siddharaja (C.A.D. 1093-1142). In Jain literature, Harisena's Brhat Kathakosa, composed in A.D. 931-932 at Vardhamanapura, probably Wadhawan in Saurastra, refers in one of the stories to Kolladigiripattana in Daksinapatha. This seems to be no other than Kolhapur. As this mention occurs in a folk story recorded in the 10th century, the town must probably have been known by this name a couple of centuries earlier. [The above account is based upon the Report on the ' Excavations at Bramhapuri' (1945-46) by Dr. H. D. Sankalia and Dr. M. G. Dikshit, pp. 1 to 3]

Fresh light has been thrown by recent excavations on the antiquity and the earliest habitation of this place. The report on the excavations states that the oldest village from out of which Kolhapur later developed into a great city was situated on a hill on the banks of the river Pancaganga. It is now known as Bramhapuri. " An inscription of the Kolhapura Silahara king Gandaraditya of Saka 1048' (A.D. 1126-27) calls Kolhapura a Mahatirtha and refers to a temple Khedaditya (a Sun temple) at Bramhapuri." The statement in the inscription that Kolhapura or Bramhapuri was created by Brahman might signify that the site of Bramhapuri was so old that its origin in course of time was attributed to Brahma, the lord of creation himself. The inscription also mentions the capital Vallavadagrama, identified with Valavade, the site of the present Radhanagari, 27 miles south-west of Kolhapur. [Sankalia and Dikshit, p. 4. The exact identification of Vallavadagrama is controversial.] The years later in Saka 1058 (A.D. 1135) the same king's patronage to a Jaina temple by the name Rupa-Narayana at Kolhapur is referred to in an inscription located in the same temple in the present (Sukrawar Peth).

Jains of Kolhapur

From The Gazetteer of Kolhapur (Published 1885)

In the census of 1951 Jains are returned as numbering 58,124 (m. 30,006; f. 28,118) or 4.72 per cent, of the total population of the district, 39,033 (m 19,895; f. 19,138) in the rural area, and 19,091 (m. 10,111; f. 8,980) in the urban area. They are chiefly found in Kolhapur City and in Hatkanangale and Shirol sub-divisions.


History and Philosophy.
Jains take the name from being followers of the twenty-four Jainas (conquerors), the last two of whom were Parsvanatha and Mahavira who was also called Vardhamana. Parasnath or Parsvanatha, literally (though the conventional interpretation is different) the natha or lord who comes close or precedes the last Jina Vardhamana was, according to traditional sources, the son of king Asvasena by his wife Vama or Bama Devi of the race of Iksvaku. He was born at Banaras, was married to Prabhavati, the daughter of king Prasenaji (according to one tradition but remained celibate according to another), adopted an ascetic life at the age of thirty, and practised austerities for eighty days when he gained perfect wisdom. Once while engaged in devotion and meditation his enemy Kamatha caused a great rain to fall on him but he stood firm and undisturbed in all the troubles caused by Kamatha. The serpent Dharanidhara or the Niga king Dharana, however, shaded Parsvanatha's head with his hoods spread like an umbrella or chhatra, whence the place was called Ahichhatra or the snake-umbrella. Parsvanatha is said to have worn only one garment according to one tradition but practised nudity according to another. He had a number of followers of both sexes and died performing a fast at the age of 100 on the top of Sammet Shikhar in Nazaribagh in West Bengal. His death occurred 250 years before that of the last or twenty-fourth Jina Mahavira. Parsvanatha often gets the epithet in early literature ' a lovable or genial personality'. His pupils like Kesikumara lived at the time of Mahavira and had minor differences in dogmatic details though the basic religious ideology was fundamentally the same both for Parsva and Mahavira. In fact, the parents of Mahavira belonged to the fold of Parsva. Mahavira or Vardhamana, who was also of the Iksvaku race, was the son of Siddartha by Trisla and was born at Kundgrama or Kundapura, a suburb of Vaisali (modern Basarh) some 30 miles to the north of Patna in the district of Muzaffarpur. He is said to have married Yasoda and to have had by her a daughter named Priyadarsana who became the wife of Jamali, a nephew of Mahavira's and one of his pupils who founded a separate sect. But another tradition reports that he remained a celibate. Mahavira's father and mother died when he was twenty-eight and two years later he devoted himself to austerities which he continued for twelve and half years, nearly eleven of which were spent in different series fasts. As a Digambara or sky clad ascetic he went robeless and had no vessel but his nand. At last the bonds of Karma were snapped like an old rope and he gained Kevala or absolute knowledge or spiritual perfection and became an Arhat that is worthy or Jina that is conqueror. He went from place to place and taught his doctrine. Of several eminent Brahmanas who became converts and founded schools or ganas, the chief was Indrabhuti or Gautama who preached his doctrines at the cities of Kaushambi and Rajgriha. Mahavira attaintd Nirvana at the age of seventy-two at Pava in Bihar in B. C. 527 according to the well attested traditional chronology. The two royal clans, Mallaki and Licchavi, celebrated the occasion by a lamp-festival which is annually observed as Diwali even to this day.

The period in which Mahavira lived was undoubtedly an age of acute intellectual upheaval in the religious history of India; and among his contemporaries there were such religious teachers as Kesa Kamahalih, Makkhali Gosala, Pakudha Kac-cayana, Purana Kassapa and Tathagata Buddha. Like Buddha, Mahavira was not required to go from teacher to teacher but he accepted his hereditary creed of Parsva which was already well established and started preaching the same. Mahavira was connected with the royal families of Eastern India; his mode of living won respectful allegiance from high and low; and his metaphysics was based on common sense, realism and intellectual toleration. It is no wonder, therefore, that Mahavira left behind him not only a systematic religion and philosophy but also a well-knit social order of ascetics and lay followers who earnestly followed and practised what he and his immediate disciples preached.
Like Buddhists, Jainas reject the authority of the Vedas which they pronounce apochryphal and corrupt; they have their own scriptures called Parvas and Angas. As among Buddhists, confession is practised among Jainas. Great importance is attached to pilgrimage and the caturmasa that is four months from Asadha or July-August to Kartika or October-November in the year are given to intermittent fasting, the reading of sacred books, and meditation. They attach no religious importance to caste. Jainas like Buddhists are of two classes, yatis or ascetics and sravakas or hearers. The Jaina sarhgha (congregation or community) has a four-fold division; monks, nuns, laymen and lay women. Jainas, like Buddhists, admit no creator. According to them the world is eternal and they deny that any being could have been there as its creator. The Jina became perfect but he was not perfect at first. He is not his creator, nor has he anything to do with worldly affairs. He is the God in the sense that he is spiritually perfect, and as such he is an Ideal for the worldly people who are aspiring for spiritual perfection Jainas worship twenty-four Tirthahkaras or lords, of whom Vashabha was the first, Parsva the twenty-third and Mahavira,. the twenty-fourth. Their images have certain signs on the pedestal and have attendant deities on both sides.


On the whole Jainism is less opposed to Brahmanism than Buddhism is and admits, here and there, some of the Brahmanic: deities, though it holds them inferior to their covisi or twenty- four Tirthankaras.

The traces of Jainism in South India go back to as early, as the second century before Christ if not still earlier. The ancient Jaina caves at Sittanmhasal and the migration of Bhadrabahu along with Chandragupta, to Sravana Belgol are important landmarks in this connection. The early mediaeval royal dynasties of the South such as the Gangas, the Kadambas, the Calukyas and the Rashtrakuta kings extended their patronage to Jainism.: Some Rashtrakuta kings of M'anyakheta were zealous Jaina. Throughout the Deccan we come across Jaina temples and statues of great architectural and artistic significance. Among the monolithic images of Bahubali found at Belgol (Sravana Belgola), Kaskal (Karkal) and Venur (Venus or yenor), [Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Edgar Thurston, Vol. II, P. 422.] the one at Belgol, erected by Camundaraya, the great general of Ganga Rachamalla, in the last quarter of the 10th century A.D. is a marvel of artistic execution and serenity of expression, apart from its being the earliest of the best specimen. The feudatories of the Rashtrakutas favoured Jainism in various places. Near about Kolhapur, the Rattas of Saundatti (District Belgaum), and their provincial governors were great patrons of Jainism in the 11th century A.D. A Jaina saint Munichandra was not only a teacher but also a minister to Laksmideva, Kartivirya's son; and he was given the title of ' Acarya, the founder of Ratta-rajya'. Under the Silaharas of both Karad and Kolhapur, Jainism received great patronage. Kolhapur seems to have been a Jaina settlement even before the time of the Silaharas. It is once called Padmalaya or the abode of Padma or Padmavati, the Jaina name for Laksmi apparently from the temple of Mahalakshmi (the tutelary deity of Kolhapur rulers) which has since been used by Brahmans. During the time of the Silaharas (1050-12-0) Jainism was the prevailing religion in Kolhapuri and the country around. The great teacher Maghanandi seems to have been responsible for putting Jainism on a sound footing in this area. In Kolhapur itself there are some old temples which testify to the popularity and prosperity of the creed in the town. It gradually gave way to Sankaracarya, the founder of the Smartas (A.D. 788-820). Ramanuja, the great Vaishnava (A.D. 1130) and Basava, the first of the Lingayatas (1150-1168).

Jainas name their children after their Tirthankaras or worthies of the present, past and future ages, after the parents of the arhats, after the pious and great men, and sometimes after Brahmanic gods and local deities. Like Hindus, Jain parents sometimes give their children mean names to avert early death, as Kallappa. From Kallu (K) stone Kadappa from kad (K.) forest, Dhondu from dhonda (M.) and Dagadu from dagad (M.) stone.

Classes.
Kolhapur Jainas are divided into Upadhyas or priests, Pancamas who are generally traders, Caturthas who are generally husbandmen, Kasaras or copper dealers, and Setavalas or cloth-sellers. With the spread of modern education" these hereditary professions are getting changed. These classes eat together but do not inter-marry; lately, however, some inter-marriages are taking place. Formerly the sect, it is reported, included barbers, washermen and many other castes that have now ceased to be Jainas. Properly speaking, in certain areas, there is no separate priestly caste among the Jainas; the Upadhyas or priests are usually chosen from among the learned Pancamas or Caturthas subject to the recognition of their principal svamis or head priests called Pattacarya Svamis.

The sacred literature of Jainas is in a Prakrt dialect called Magadhi. They keep cattle but are not allowed to have pet birds in cages. As a community, Jainas are strict vegetarians and do no, use animal food on pain of loss of caste. They filter the water that is used in drinking or cooking for fear of killing insect life.


Food.
The pious Jaina takes his food before sunset in fear of destroying any animal life by eating in the dark. No pious Jaina tastes honey or drinks liquor, and monks and religious Jainas abstain from fresh vegetables. Men wear the waistcloth, jacket, coat, shouldercloth and often the Kanarese headscarf.


Dress.
Women wear the hair in a knot at the back of the head and dress in the full Maratha lugade with or without passing the skirt back between the feet, and a bodice with a back and short sleeves. Young widows may dress in the lugade and bodice and their hair is not shaven. Old widows generally dress in white and do not put on bodices. Strict Jainas object to tillage because of the loss of life which it cannot help causing. Still they do not carry their objection to the length of refusing to dine with Jaina husbandmen. Among Kolhapur Jainas the husbandmen are the largest and most important class, with a head priest or Bhattaraka of their own who lives at Nandi about eighteen miles east of Kolhapur and has also a matha in Kolhapur. Except some of the larger landholders who keep farm servants Jaina landholders with the help of their women do all parts of field work with their own hands. They are among hardest working husbandmen in the district, making use of every advantage of soil and situation. In large towns like Kolhapur and Miraj Jains are merchants, traders, and shopkeepers dealing chiefly in jewelery, cotton, cloth and grain. The traders or Panchamas have their Bhattaraka at Kolhapur; besides at Kolhapur, he has a matha at Raibag and Belgaum. Most Kasaras deal in bangles or deal in copper or brass metal, and others weave and press oil. To every Jaina temple one or more priests or Upadhyas are attached. They belong to the Chaturth or the Pancham division and are supported by the Jaina community, taking food offerings, cloth and money presents which are made to the gods and goddesses. Besides temple priests, every village which has a considerable number of Jamas has a hereditary village priest called gramo-padhya who conducts their ceremonies and is paid either in cash or in grain.


Dharmadhikari.
These village priests, who are married and in whose families the office of priest is hereditary, are under a high priest called dharmadhikari or religious head, a celibate or ascetic by whom they are appointed and who has power to turn out any priest who breaks religious rules or caste customs. Lately, those two offices are merged in the hands of Upadhya who is subordinate to Bhattaraka. The village priest keeps a register of all marriages and thread-girdings in the villages; and the Bhattarakas whose headquarters are at Kolhapur and other places and whose authority extends over all Kolhapur Jainas, make a yearly circuit gathering contributions, or send an agent to collect subscriptions from the persons named in the village priest's list. The office of high priest is selective. The high priest chooses his successor from among his favourite disciples. Though the Bhattarakas are respected and well received whenever they go out, they seem to be losing strength as an institution, but in the post-mediaeval ages, their mathas did good work; they looked to the religious needs of society and contributed to its social solidarity; secondly, the learned heads of the mathas were great teachers and authors in some cases, and therefore the mathas were seats of learning; thirdly, they were looked upon as religious heads and as such the contemporary kings honoured them and entrusted them with the management of temples and their estates. Under the present changed circumstances, the strength of the matha institution has very much declined. Bhattarakas have hereditary titles; Jinasena, that of the Chaturtha section; Laksmisena, of the Panchama section; Devendrakirti, of the Kasara section; and Visalakiriti, of the Setavala section. The last two have their Mathas outside Kolhapur.

In the early morning before he gets up, a pious Jain rests his right shoulder on the ground. He then sits facing the east and repeats verses in praise of Jinadev, the victorious and thereafter sets out for the temple to see the image of Tirtha-kara, say Parsvanatha, avoiding as far as possible on his way the sight of man or beast. On returning home from the temple he bathes in warm water which he first purifies by reciting verses over it. When bath is finished he puts on a freshly washed cotton cloth, sits on a low wooden stool, and for about an hour says his morning prayer or Samayika. He lays sandal, flowers and sweetmeat before the house gods and then goes to the temple to worship the Jina, where the head ascetic or Svami reads the Jaina Purana, tells his beads, receives the holy water gandhodaka or tirth in which the image has been bathed. On certain occasions he performs a fire worship and feeds the fire with cooked rice and clarified butter in the names of the popular deities or Visvedevas. He usually lunches between eleven and one. If a stranger happens to visit the house at dinner time, he is welcomed and asked to dine. If the guest belongs to the same class as the houseowner they sit in the same row. As a rule he sups an hour at least before sunset, recites his evening prayer, visits the temple and hears a Purana, especially in the four months of the rainy season, Women, as soon as they rise, go to the temple to have a sight of the Jina, say Parsvanatha, return home and mind the house, sweeping and cowdunging the kitchen and dining place. They then bathe, dress in a freshly washed cotton lugade and bodice, rub their brows and cheeks with vermilion and turmeric, again visit the temple, bow before the god, and throw over the head water which has been used in bathing the god. Household work like cooking, washing, grinding, fetching water etc. is done by them. They visit the Jaina temple listen to a Purana. These details depict conditions more in the rural than in the urban areas. The temple is really the religious as well as social tie for the community as a whole.

Religion.
The religion of Kolhapur Jainas may be treated under five heads; temple worship of the twenty-four Jinas and their attendant goddesses; holy places and holy days; the worship of house-gods; the worship of field guardians; and irregular worship of evil disease-causing spirits. The chief Jaina doctrine is, that to take life is sin. Like Buddhists they believe that certain conduct has raised men above the gods. Twenty-four Jainas have gained perfection. To each of these a sign and attendant god and goddess have been allotted and these form the regular objects of Jaina temple worship. Jainas belong to two main sects the Svetambaras or white-robed and Digambaras or sky-clad that is naked saint worshippers. These designations indicate that the ideal saints of the former wear white garments but those of the latter go about nude. The bulk of Kolhapur Jainas are of the Digambar section. Temple worship is the chief part of a Jaina's religious duties. Their temples are called bastis or dwellings but can easily be made out from ordinary dwellings by their high plinths. The temple consists of an outer hall and a shrine. The walls of the outer hall are filled with niches of the different popular deities and attendant goddesses. In the shrine is an image generally of the twenty-third Tirthankara Parsvanatha, which in Kolhapur temples is generally naked (so far as Digambara temples are concerned). The images in most cases are of black polished stone, two feet to three feet high, either standing with the hands stretched down the sides or in the seated cross-legged position. The other images generally worshipped in this part are those of Adinatha, Neminetha and Candranatha. Temple worship is of four kinds; daily worship, eight-day or astanhiki worship, wish filling or kalpa worship, and five-blessing or pancakalyani worship. In the daily temple worship the image of the saint is bathed by the temple ministrant in milk and on special days in the five nectars or pancamrta: water, tree sap or vrksa rasa that is sugar, plantains, clarified butter, milk and curds. The priest repeats sacred verses, sandal paste is laid on the image, and it is decked with flowers.

Jainas perform the astanhiki or eight-days worship three times in a year from the bright eighth to the full-moon of Asadha or July-August, in Kartika or October-November and in Phalguna or February-March. Only the rich perform the wish-filling or Kalpa worship as the worshipper has to give the priest whatever he asks. The pancakalyani worship centres round the five auspicious occasions, namely conception, birth, renunciation, enlightenment and liberation, in the career of a Tirthankara. In certain details it resembles the Brahmanical sacrifice; of course, there is no place for any sort of animal destruction. According to the Jaina doctrine, bathing in holy places does not cleanse one from sin. Kolhapur Jainas make pilgrimages to Jaina holy places, Ujjyantagiri or Girnar in South Kathiawar sacred to Nemisvara or Neminatha, Pavapura near Rajagrha or Rajgir about fifty miles south of Patna sacred to Vardhamana Svami, Sammedagiri properly Sammet Shikhar or Parasnath hill in Hazaribagh in West Bengal sacred to Parsvanatha where are feet symbols or padukas of the twenty-four Jaina arhats or worthies, and in the south, the monolithic image of Gomatesvara in Sravan Belgola in Mysore, and Mudabidri in South Kanara. They make pilgrimages to Banaras which they say is the birthplace of Parsvanatha. The leading religious seats of Jainas are Delhi, Dinkanchi in Madras, Penangundi in the South and Kolhapur. Any poor Jaina may visit these places and is fed for any number of days, but on pain of loss of caste he must beg from no one who is not a Jaina.

Fasts.
Jaina ascetics keep ten fasts in every lunar month, the fourth, the eighth, the eleventh, the fourteenth, the full-moon and no moon days. During the caturmasa, pious house-holders observe full or partial fasts on the 8th and 14th day of a fortnight. They keep most of the Brahmanic holidays and in addition the week beginning from the lunar eighth of Asadha or June-July, of Kartika or October-November, and of Phalguna or February-March; they hold a special feast on Sruta Pancmi May-June. Of the twenty-four minor gods and goddesses who attained on the twenty-four saints the chief are Ksetrapala and Kalika or Jvalamalini and Padmavati who have other counterparts in Bhairava and Laksmi.

Goddesses and Saints.
Jainas pay special respect to Srutadevi who is represented by a sacred book resting on a brazen chair called sruta skandha or learning's prop and in whose honour in all Jaina temples a festival is held on the bright fifth of Jyestha or May-June; the Brahmanic counterpart of this deity is Sarasvati. To these guardian goddesses and saints two beings are added, Bhugabali or Gommata of Sravan Belgola in Mysore distinguished by the creepers twining round his arms and Nandisvara a small temple like a brass frame. Besides these, they worship a brass; wheel of law or dharmacakra which is symbolic of religion, they also worship an image representing five classes of great; deities or Paramesthi, a verbal salutation to the whole of whom forms a pious Jaina's daily prayer. Jainas think that their book and temple gods the Arhats or worthies, the Siddhas or perfect beings, the Acaryas or preceptors, the Upadhyas or priests, and the Sadhus or saints are too austere and ascetic to take an interest in every-day life or to be worshipped as house guardians. Perhaps for this reason their house deities are generally of a popular nature.

House Duties.
As among Hindus, the house deities are kept in a separate room generally next to the cooking room in a devara or shrine of carved wood. The images are generally of metal three to four inches high. Among them is usually the mask or bust of some deceased female member of the family who has afflicted the family with sickness and to please her had her image placed and worshipped among the house-gods. Besides the usual Brahmanic or Lihgayata house deities, several families have a house image of Parsvanatha but the worship of Parsvanatha as a house image is not usual. As among other Hindus, the daily worship of the house-gods is simple, chiefly consisting in a hurried decking with flowers. On holidays the images are bathed in milk and flowers, sandal-paste, rice, burnt frankincense and camphor, and cooked food are laid before them. Women are not allowed to touch the house gods. During the absence of the men of the house the temple priest is asked to conduct the daily worship. Latterly, the custom of worshipping non-Jaina house deities appears to be diminishing. Another class of Jaina deities are the Ksetrapalas or field guardians, essentially the deities of agriculturists, the chief of whom are Bhairava and Brahma.

Superstitions.
In theory Jains do not believe in spirits. In practice, however, such belief is not found to be uncommon, particularly among villagers. They believe in spirit-possession and call their family spirits pitrigal or fathers. Though they profess not to believe that infants are attacked by spirits they perform the ceremonies observed by Hindus in honour of Mothers Fifth and Sixth which seem to form part of the early rites on which the customs of all Hindu sects are based. Besides the spirit attacks to which children are believed to be especially liable on the fifth and sixth days after birth, Jains believe that children are also liable to child-seizures or bala grahas probably a form of convulsions, which Jaina women say is the work of spirits. Educated and religious Jains who object to the early or direct form of spirit action believe in the more refined drsta or evil eye as a cause of sickness. According to the popular Jaina belief all eyes have not the blasting power of the evil eye. Care must be taken in cutting the child's navel cord for if any of the blood enters its eyes their glance is sure to have a blasting or evil power. Jains do not believe that a woman in her monthly sickness is specially liable to spirit attacks. In their opinion a woman runs most risk of being possessed when she has just bathed and her colour is heightened by turmeric, when her hair is loose, and when she is gaily dressed and happens to go to a lonely well or river bank at noon or sunset. Boys also are apt to be possessed when they are well dressed or fine-looking or when they are unusually smart and clever. Jains profess not to hold the belief that the dead first wife comes back and plagues the second wife. Still they feel great terror for Jakhins that is the ghosts of women who die with unfulfilled wishes and who plague the living by attacking children with lingering diseases. When a child is wasting away Jaina parents make the Jakhin a vow that if the child recovers the Jakhin's image shall be placed with their family gods. If the child begins to recover as soon as the vow is made the house people buy a silver or gold mask or taka of Jakhin, lay sandal-paste and flowers on and sweet-meats before it, and set it in the god-room with the other house-gods. Five married women, who are asked to dine at the house are presented each with turmeric, vermilion, betel and wet gram, and a special offering or vayan consisting of five wheat cakes stuffed with sugar clarified butter and molasses is made in the name of the dead woman who is believed to have turned Jakhin and possessed the child. The image is daily worshipped with the house gods with great reverence as it generally represents the mother or some near relation of the worshipper. However this Jakhin worship is now reported to be disappearing.

Beliefs.
Jains have no professional exorcists or charmers chiefly because their place is filled by priests. When sickness is believed to be caused by spirit-possession the priest is consulted. He worships the goddess Padmavati or Lakshmi and gives the sick holy water or tirth in which the goddess' feet have been washed. If the holy water fails to cure, the priest consults his book of omens or sakunavali, adds together certain figures in the book and divides the total by a certain figure in the book and divides the total by a certain figure in the tables of the book and by referring to the book finds what dead relation of the sick person the quotient stands for. If it is a woman she has become a Jakhin and should be worshipped along with the family gods, the priest then mutters a verse over a pinch of frankincense ashes or angara burnt before the gods and hands it to the sick to be rubbed on his brow. If the ash-rubbing and Jakhin worship fail to cure the sick, the priest prepares a paper or bhurj or birch leaf called a yantra or device marked with mystic figures or letters and ties it in a silk cloth or puts it in a silk cloth or puts it in a small; casket, - or tait, mutters verses over it, burns frankincense, and ties it round the possessed person's arm or neck. If the amulet is of no avail the priest advises an anusthana or god-pleasing. The head of the house asks the priest to read a sacred book before the temple image of one of the saints or to repeat a text or mantra or sacred hymn or stotra some thousand times in honour of one of the saints. The priest is paid for his trouble and when the sick is cured the god-pleasing ends with a feast to priests and friends. If even the god-pleasing fails, the sick, if he is an orthodox Jaina, resigns himself to his fate or seeks the aid of a physician. Exorcists are shunned by Jain men because part of the exorcists' cure is almost always the offering of a goat or of a cock. When all remedies are of no avail Jains sometimes take the sick to a holy place called Tavnidhi fifteen miles south-west of Cikodi, and the sick or some relation on his behalf worships the spirit scaring Brahmanidhi until the patient is cured. Jains profess to have sacred pools, animals or trees that have a spirit-scarcing power. When an epidemic rages, a special worship of Jainadeva is performed. With a better acquaintance of the basic principles of Jainism consequent upon the spread of education and reading of sacred works by the Sravakas themselves, and through the preachings of saints like Santisagara, these practices have become out of date and looked upon as almost irreligious excepting perhaps in out of the way villages.

Sanskars.
Of the sixteen sacraments or sanskars which are nearly the same as the sixteen Brahman sacraments, Kolhapur Jainas perform those of thread girding, marriage, puberty and death. Except that the texts are not Vedic the rites do not differ much from those performed by Brahmans. Their birth ceremonies are the same as those of Brahmans like whom on the fifth day they worship the goddess Satvai. Boys are girt with the sacred thread between eight and sixteen. A boy must not be girt until he is eight. If, for any reason, it suits the parents to hold the thread-girding before the boy is eight, they add to his age the nine months he passed in the womb. A Jaina astrologer names a lucky day for the thread-girding, a booth is raised before the house, and an earth altar or bahule a foot and a half square is built in the booth and plantain trees are set at corners. Pots are brought from the potter's and piled in each corner of the altar and a yellow cotton thread is passed round their necks. Over the altar is a canopy and in front is a small entrance hung with evergreen. A day or two before the thread-girding, the invitation procession consisting of men and women of the boy's house with music and friends starts from the houses. They first go to the Jaina temple and the father or some other relation with the family priest lays a cocoanut before the god, bows before him and asks him to perform the ceremony. Jains have no devak or family guardian worship. The boy and his parents go through the preliminary ceremonies as at a Brahman thread-girding. The boy's head is shaved and he is bathed and rubbed with turmeric. The astrologer marks the lucky moment by means of his water-clock or ghatika and as it draws near music plays and guns are fired. The priest recites the auspicious verses and throws red rice over the boy. The boy is seated on his father's or if the father is dead on some other kinsman's knee on a low stool. The knot of his hair is tied and he is girt with a sacred thread or janve and a string of kusa grass is tied round his waist. The priest kindles the sacred fire, betel is served to the guests and money gifts are distributed among priests and beggars. The boy has to go and beg at five Jaina houses. He stands at the door of each house and asks the mistress of the house to give him alms saying "Oh lady, be pleased to give alms". The alms usually consists of a waistcloth, rice or cash. Great merit is believed to be gained by giving alms to a newly girded boy and many women visit the boy's house for three or four days to present him with silver or clothes. After begging at five houses the boy returns home and a feast to friends and kinsfolk ends the first day. The sodmunj or grass-cord loosening is performed usually after a week and sometimes between a week from the thread-girding and the marriage day. The loosening is generally performed near a pimpal (ficus religiosa) tree. The boy is bathed, the rite of holiday calling or punyahavacan is gone through as on the first day, music plays and flowers, sandal-paste, burn frankincense and sweetmeat are offered to the pimpal tree. The boy bows before the tree and the priest unties the cord from round his waist. The boy is then dressed in a full suit of clothes, declares that he means to go to Banaras and spend the rest of his life in study and worship and sets out on his journey. Before he has gone many yards, his maternal uncle meets him, promises him his daughter's hand in marriage and asks him to return home and live among them as a householder or grhasth. The boy is escorted home with music and band of friends and a small feast to friends and kinsfolk ends the ceremony. Latterly, the practice of collective vrata bandha ceremony is becoming popular and they are celebrated at places like Bahunali etc. and on occasions of paneakalyani puja etc.

Marriage.
Formerly, boys used to be married between fifteen and twenty-five and girls before they came of age. The law has now prescribed fourteen and eighteen as the minimum age for the marriage of a girl and a boy respectively. In towns and in educated families even this age has increased, particularly in the case of girls. The boy's father proposes the match to the girl's father and when they agree an astrologer is consulted. He compares the birth papers of the boy and the girl and approves the match if he thinks the result will be lucky and if the family stocks and branches or Sakhas of the boy and the girl are different. Then on a lucky day the boy's father visits the girl's house with a few friends, including five kinswomen, and are received by the girls father and mother. The girl is seated on a low stool in front of the house gods and the boy's father presents her with a sadi and bodice and a pair of silver chains or sankhlis and anklets or valas. Her brow is marked with vermilion and decked with a network of flowers. The women of the boy's house dress the girl in the clothes and ornaments brought by the boy's father' and the boy's father puts a little sugar in her mouth. Packets of sugar and betel are handed to the guests and the asking or magni ends with a feast to the guests. Formerly, marriage took place two or three years after betrothal. A lucky day for the marriage is fixed by astrologer. The ceremony lasts five days according to orthodox custom. On the first day two married girls in the bride's house bathe early in the morning, wear a ceremonial dress and with music and band of friends go to a pond or a river with copper pots on their heads, lay sandal-paste, flowers, rice, vermilion, burnt frankincense, and sweet meats on the bank in the name of the water goddess, fill the pots with water and mark them with vermilion, set a cocoanut and betel leaves in the mouth of each, cover them with bodice cloths and deck them with gold necklaces. They then set the waterpots on their heads, return home and lay them on the earthern altars. Flowers, vermillon, burnt frankincense and sweetmeats are offered to the pots and five dishes filled with earth are set before them, sprinkled with water from the waterpots, and mixed seed grain is sown in the earth. Friends and kinsfolk are asked to dine at the house and the sprout-offering or ankurarpana is over. The bridegroom is bathed at his house and lights a sacred fire or homa, puts on a rich dress and goes on horseback with music and friends carrying clothes, ornaments, sugar, and betel packets to the bride's house. The bride's party meet him on the way and the bridegroom is taken to the bride's house and seated outside of the house on a seat of audumbar or umbar (Ficus glomerata) wood. The bride's parents come out with a vessel full of water, the father washes his future son-in-law's feet and the mother pours water over them. The bridegroom is then taken to a raised seat in the house, feated on it and presented with clothes, a gold ring and necklace. The bridegroom's parents present the ornaments and clothes they have brought for the bride, packets of betel and sugar are handed to friends and kinspeople and the first day ends with a feast to the bridegroom's party. The bridegroom returns home with his party, is rubbed with turmeric and clarified butter, and bathed by five married women, seated in a square with an earthen pot at each corner and a yellow thread passed five times round their necks. The bride is bathed in a similar square at her house. On the third day the bride and bridegroom bathe, dress in newly washed clothes and starting from their homes meet at the Jaina temple. The priest attends them and the two bow before the idol. The priest makes them repeat the five-salutation hymn which every Jaina ought to know and warns them to keep the Jaina vow or Jain vrata of-non-killing or ahinsa and of leading a pure moral life. They are treated to sweetmeats each by their own people and the family gods and the cork marriage coronet or basing are worshipped at both houses. On the fourth day the actual marriage ceremony begins. Friends and relations are asked to both houses. The bridegroom is rubbed with flagrant oil and again kindles the sacred fire, dresses in rich clothes and goes to the bride's house on horseback with music and friends. On the way he is met by the bride's party and taken to a raised umbar wood (Ficus glomerata) seat While he is seated on the seat a couple from the bride's house, generally the bride's parents, come and wash his feet. The bridegroom thrice sips water, puts on the new sacred thread offered him by the bride's priest and swallows curds mixed with sugar which the couple have poured over his hands. The father-in-law leads the bridegroom by the hand to a readymade seat in the house. Before the seat a curtail is held and two heaps of rice, one on each side of the curtain, marked with the lucky cross or svastika and crowned with the sacred kusa grass. A short time before the auspicious lucky moment the bride is led by her friends and made to stand on the rice heap behind the curtain, the bridegroom standing on the rice heap on the other side. The guests stand around and the priests reoite the nine-planet lucky verses or navagraha manglastakas. The astrologer marks the lucky moment by clapping his hands, the musicians redouble their noise, the priests draw aside the curtain, and the bride and the bridegroom look at each other and are husband and wife. The bridegroom marks the bride's brow with vermilion and she throws a flower garland round his neck. They fold their hands together and the bride's father pours water over their hands. They then throw rice-over each other's head and the priests and guests throw rice at the couple. The priests tie the marriage wristlets on their hands. The bridegroom then sits on a low stool facing east and the bride on another stool to his left. (In some place's the bride sits to the right and the bridegroom to the left.) The priest kindles the sacred or homo fire and the bridegroom feeds the fire with offerings of parched rice held in a dish before him by the bride. Then the priest lays seven small heaps -of rice, each with a small stone or a betelnut at the top, in one row. The bridegroom, holding the bride by the hand, touches the rice and the stone or betelnut on each heap with his right toe, moves five times round the heaps, the priest shows the couple the Polar star or dhruva and payment of a money gift to the priest completes the day's ceremonies. The hems of the couple's garments are knotted together and they walk into the house and bow before the waterpots which have been arranged on the first day and are fed with a dish of milk and clarified butter. Next day the bride's parents give a feast to the bridegroom's party and to their own kinspeople. In the morning the couple are seated in the booth and young girls on both sides join them. The bridegroom takes some wet turmeric powder and rubs it five times on the bride's face, who gathers it and rubs it on the bridegroom's face. Next morning the sacred fire is again kindled and the serpent is worshipped. The couple then dine at the bride's and are thereafter seated on horseback, the bride before the bridegroom and taken to the Jaina temple where they walk round the god, bow before him and ask his blessing. They then walk to the bridegroom's. Before they reach, every part of the house is lighted and a long white sheet is spread on the ground from the booth door to the god-room. When the couple attempt to cross the threshold the bridegroom's sister blocks the door and does not allow them to enter. The bridegroom asks her why she blocks the door. She says, will you give your daughter in marriage to my son? He answers, Ask my wife. The sister asks the wife and she says, I will give one of my three pearls in marriage to your son. Then the sister leaves the door, the couple walk into the house, bow before the house-gods, and a feast ends the ceremony.

It must be stated that the details about marriage ceremony described above depict a picture more of the past than of the present. They are now getting considerably modified and abridged and some of them are even tending to disappear, particularly in cities.

Widow Marriage.
Though forbidden by their sacred books, all Jainas except Upadhyas (priests) and some families of prestige allow widow marriage. They Say the practice came into use about 200 years ago. If a woman does not get on well with her husband, she may live separate from him but cannot marry during her husband's lifetime.

Last rites.
When a Jaina is on the point of death, a priest is called in to recite verses to cleanse the sick person's ears, to quiet his soul, and if possible to drive away his disease. When recovery is hopeless, a ceremony called sallekhana vidhi or voluntary submission to death is performed to sever the sick person from worldly pleasures and to make him fit for the life he is about to enter. Sometimes the sick man is made to pass through the ceremony called sannyas grahana (ascetic vow-taking) with the same rites as among Brahmanas. When these rites are over and death is near, the dying man is made to lie on a line of three to four wooden stools and the names of gods and sacred hymns are loudly repeated.

Death and Funeral.
After death the body is taken outside of the house, bathed in warm water (this bathing is not current everywhere), dressed in a waist and shoulder cloth and seated cross-legged on a low stool leaning against the wall. A bier is made and the dead is laid on it and the whole body including the face is, covered with a white sheet. Jewels or gold pieces are put into the dead mouth and fastened over the eyes. Four kinsmen lift the bier and followed by a party of friends walk after the chief mourner who carries a firepot slung from his hand. To perform Jaina funeral rites, from the first to the thirteenth day, six men are required, the chief mourner who carries fire, four corpse-bearers and a body-dresser. Music is played at some funerals, but on the way no coins or gram are thrown to spirits and no words uttered. The party moves silently to the burning ground and the chief mourner is not allowed to look behind. About half-way the bier is laid on the ground and the cloth is removed from the dead face apparently to make sure that there are no signs of life. They go on to the burning ground and set down the bier. One of the party cleans the spot where the pyre is to be prepared and they build the pyre. When it is ready the bearers lay the body on the pile and the chief mourner lights it. When the body is half consumed or about to be set on Are the chief mourner bathes, carries an earthen pot filled with water on his shoulder and walks three times round the pile. Another man walks with him and at each turn makes a hole in the pot with a stone called asma or the life-stone. When three rounds and three holes are made the chief mourner throws the pot over his back and beats his mouth with the open palm of his right hand. The asma or lifestone is kept ten days and each day a rice ball is offered to it. The funeral party stops at the burning ground till the skull bursts. If they choose, some of the party may go home but the six mourners must remain there till the body is consumed when each offers a flour-ball and a handful of water to the life-stone and returns, home. A lamp is set on the spot where the dead breathed his last, and kept there burning for at least twenty-four hours.

Obscquies.
On the second day the six chief mourners go to the burning ground and in the house put out the fire with offerings of milk, sugar and water. On the third day they gather the deceased's bones and bury them somewhere among the neighbouring hills. Except offering a rice ball to the life-stone from the first to the tenth day nothing special is performed from the fourth to the ninth day. The family are held impure for ten days. On the tenth the house is cowdunged and all members of the family bathe and each offers a handful of water called tilodaka (sesame Water) to the dead. The house is purified by sprinkling holy water and the sacred or homa fire is lit by the priest. On the twelfth the clothes of the deceased are given to the poor and rice balls in the name of the deceased and his ancestors are made and sandal-paste, flowers, vermilion, frankincense and sweetmeat are offered to them. The temple gods are worshipped and a feast to the corpse-bearers and dresser ends the twelfth day ceremony. On the thirteenth day the sraddha (mind-rite) is performed and a few friends and relations are asked to dine. A fortnightly and monthly ceremony is performed every month for one year and a feast is held every year for twelve years in some of the families. According to the old rule the widow's head should be shaved on the tenth but the practice is becoming rare. She however gives up her lucaly and does not wear a black bodice or lugade. When a sahyasi (ascetic) dies his body is carried in a canopied chair instead of an ordinary bier. The body is laid on the pyre and bathed in the five nectars or pancamrtas milk, curds, clarified butter, plantain, and sugar. Camphor is lighted oh the head and the pile is lit. At a sanyasis funeral only five men are required. A fire-carrier is. not wanted as fire can be taken from any neighbouring house to light the pile The family of the dead are impure for only three days and no balls are offered to the dead. When an infant dies before teething it is buried and boys who die before their thread-girding are not honoured with the rice ball offering non special rites are performed in the case of a married woman, a widow, or a woman who dies in childbed. No evil attaches to a death which happens during an eclipse of the sun or the moon. In the case of a person who dies at an unlucky moment, Jainas perform the same rites as other Hindus.

Bhattaraka.
Jainas are bound together by a strong caste feeling and settle social dispute's at caste meetings. Appeals against the decisions of the caste council lie to their Bhattaraka or svami or religious heads who with the two titles Jinasena Svami and Laksmisena Svami and with jurisdiction over the Jainas of almost the whole Bombay Karnatak, live at Kolhapur.

Non-Kolhapur Jains.
Non-Kolhapur Jainas include a considerable number of Jaina Marwaris and Jaina Gujarat Vanis who have come from Marwar and Gujarat for trade and have settled in the district. They do not marry with the Jainas of Kolhapur, and unlike the Jainas of Kolhapur they have no objection to take water and food from non-Jainas. Their favourite place of pilgrimage is Mount Abu. They are moneylenders and dealers in piece-goods and jewellary. They live in well built houses, send their children to schools, and are a prosperous class. Many of them have now settled in this part, especially in prosperous business centres where they have built temples for themselves.

Apr 28, 2008

Religion , Historical & Geography

Mr. Anand Chandra Sahoo


To understand the events of history of a country, a thorough knowledge of geography is essential. Without getting acquainted with the precise location of various places which figure prominently in the texts, it is impossible to follow the course of events in any extent. H. C. Raychaudhuri long ago remarked - "More than the political, social and literary historian, the student of religion and mythology will feel in every step the need of a thorough acquaintance with the divine rivers and mountains which receive to this day the homage of faithful and those Dharma-kshetras and Punya-sthanas which even now attract pilgrims from the remotest corners of the country.

Orissa consisted in ancient times of several janapadas and Mahajanapadas. The identification of these janapadas and Mahajanapadas is a pre requisite to study the religious history of this land properly. In course of our study we have made an attempt to delineate the geographical jurisdiction of several janapadas that lie within Orissa. The major janapadas are Kalinga, Tosala, Utkala, Odra, Daksina-Kosala, and Kongoda; and that of the minor are Svetaka, Khijjinga, Khinjali, Kodalaka, Taitila etc.

Kalinga
In the historical geography of ancient Orissa, Kalinga was regarded as one of the most janapadas. The geographical boundaries of this janapada was never a static one throughout the ancient period.

Panini refers to the Kalinga janapada, the boundaries of which, according to him, touched that of the Magadha janapada. Kautilya refers to Kalinga where, according to him, the best type of elephants were bred and which produces the best type of touch-stone. Megasthenes mentions Kalinga as land of a widely diffused race', who were inhabiting all along the eastern coast upto the delta of the Ganges, but afterwards their kingdom was restricted to southern Orissa. While referring to Kalinga, Pliny has suggested the Cape Kalingon, identified with point Godavari at the mouth of same river, as its southern boundary. On this score some scholars have expressed their doubt regarding the extension of Kalinga from that of the Gangetic valley up to Godavari or even Krisna, in the south. The Buddhist literatures refer to Kalingarattha, which was one of the seven political divisions during the time of the mythical king Renu; and to Dantapura, its capital. The other tradition recorded in the Buddhavamsa states that after the death of Buddha, one of his tooth relics was carried to, and enshrined in a caitya at Dantapura.

The importance and significance of Dantapura requires proper identification. During the pre-Buddhistic period Dantpura appears to have been a geographical unit of considerable importance. Various early texts refer to this place and attach some importance also. It has been referred as Dantakpura in Mahabharata. The Jatakas make numerous references to Dantpura as the capital of Kalinga. It is further known as Dantapura-nagara. Scholaras have identified with Dandagulla of Pliny. Other scholars have located it in the neighborhood of Cicacole and Kalingapatam in present Andhra Pradesh. It has further been maintained that probably the city has been survived by the fort of Dantavaktra near Ciacole. This important township Dantapura of Kalinga has been taken to be the same as Poloura in Telgu version.

The Buddhist tradition regards Dantapura as the capital of Kalinga, where the tooth-relic of Gautama Buddha was deposited within a magnificent stupa by the king Brahmadatta. The Maha Govinda Suttanta mentions Dantapura which is situated in Kalinga as one of the six famous cities in ancient India. The Jaina texts refer Dantapura as Dantavakra as the capital city of Kalinga. Some other scholars have identified the city of Dantapura with the modern Dantan on the bank of river Kasai in the district of Midnapur of West Bengal.

It is difficult to identify the region of Dantapura with a fair degree of certainty. However, keeping in view the evidences at our disposal, it may be suggested that during the early historical period it was located somewhere in the northern portion of Kalinga. Further, following its reference in different early texts, it may be pointed out that Dantapura was the main centre.

Reference to Kalinga has been made in Jatakas, being ruled by Karandu, a contemporary of Nimi, king of Videha of the Brahman period. The Jatakas also refer to Dantapuranagara, the capital-city of Kalinga, which has been identified by scholars with Dantakura of the Mahabharata, and Dantapura of the inscriptions. The Sarabhanga Jataka refers to the king of Kalinga named Kalinga who had acknowledged the supremacy of king Dandaki of Dandaka in the Vindhya region. The Cullakalinga Jataka speaks of the defeat of the Kalinga king by his contemporary Aruna, king of Assaka. Besides this, the Kalingabodhi Jataka also referes to Kalinga, elsewhere, the Jatakas mention about Nalikira, the king of Kalinga who brought about destruction to the Kingdom.

In the Jain literature we see that Aranatha, the eighteenth Tirthankara is said to have received his first alms in the city of Rayapura (Rajpura), a metropolis in Kalinga janapada. This Rajpura has found mention as the capital of Kalinga in the Mahabharata. Parsvanatha's (the twenty-third Tirthankara) connection with Kalinga has been referred to in Jain literature while it narrates the story of the marriage of Prabhavati, daughter of king Prasenjit of Kausthalpura with Parsvantha.
The inscriptions of Asoka remain the first concrete document regarding the antiquity of Kalinga. In the said edicts, Tosali and Samapa, the two major cities of Kalinga have been mentioned. The former has been identified with modern Dhauli in the Puri district, and the latter with modern Jaugada in the district of Ganjam. That the above mentioned cities were the headquarters of Kalinga appears to be probable, and during the time of Asoka, Kalinga was roughly extended from the river Ganga as far as the river Godavari in the south.

The term Kalinga has been referred to in the Mahabharata several times, denoting various meetings. In some contexts, the term refers to the people of Kalinga, and in some other slokas it appears as the name of a race. Still in some other places Kalinga itself occurs as a janapada. Further the people of Kalinga have been depicted as fighting against the Pandavas. As regards the location of the Kalinga janapada, the epic says that the river Vaitarni was flowing through region, which says situated in the coastal belt.

The Purana literature says that the Kalingas were dwelling in the southern region along with the Navarastras, Mahiskas, etc. Elsewhere it has been stated that Kalinga was extended as far as up to Amarakantaka hill in the west, where the river Narmada drained its western portion.
As regards the evidences drawn out of the epigraphical sources relating to the geographical extent of Kalinga, we have referred to that of Asoka above. Besides that, during the time of Kharavela of the Mahameghavahana dynasty the main centre of activities was near modern Bhubaneswar. Then after a long interval, from the fifth century A. D. onwards, we find that the centers of administration of Kalinga were at the bank of the Godavari, the Nagavati, and the Vamsadhara in the districts of east Godavari, Srikakulam and Ganjam respectively. In the above context we may cite the inscriptions of the Mathara kings belonging to the fifth century A.D., where it is mentioned that Kalinga denoted the territories comprising parts of Godavari, Visakhapatnam, Srikakulam and Ganjam districts. Reference to a number of place names within the jurisdiction of Kalinga janapada, like Sripura, Vijaypura, Vardhamanapur, Sunagarh, Sarapalli has been made in inscriptions belonging to the Gupta and post-Gupta period.

The distinguished Kalinga kingdom which was clearly evident during the invasion of Maharaja Samudragupta in or about 350 A.D., when we find several principalities such as Kurala, Pistapura, Giri-Kosturala, Erandapalli, Avamukta, Palakha, Devarastra, Kusathalpura etc. seems to have been integrated during Maharaja Umavaraman of the Mathara dynasty, who in turn assumed the title of Kalingadhipati.

After the Matharas, Kalinga passed under the subjugation of another family called Sri-Rama-Kasyapa, who had established their capital at Pistaputra near the river Godavari. Later on they seemed to have extended their way in the northern portion of Kalinga by reaching Biranja-nagara, situated on the bank of the river Vaitarni at Jaipur in the district of Cuttack.
The Chinese pilgrim Hiuen-Tsang, who visited Kalinga in the first half of the seventh century A. D. has said that it was a little above 500 li in circuit. Further he has given the position of Kalinga while he says that it was bordered by Andhra in the south and by Dhanakataka in the west. He has also made some categorical remarks that its frontiers did not extent beyond the river Godavari on the south-west and the Goliya branch of the river Indravati in the north-west.
Most of the early Ganga rulers of Kalinga such as Hastivarman, Indravarman, Devendravarman issued their grants from the victorious camp (Vijayvatah) at Kalinganagara and described themselves as Lord of Kalinga (Sakala-Kalingadhirajay). The later Ganga rulers also issued grants from this place in most of the cases. This important capital city has been variously identified by scholars. Besides Kalinganagara, another seat of plitical importance, Ganga rulers like Jayavarmadeva and Indravarman, and the site has been identified with Chikiti in the Ganjam district.

Another high-sounding title, i.e., Trikalingadhipati has used in some records of the Eastern Gangas, Eastern Chalukyas and the Somavamsis. The problem of identification of this Trikalinga is manifold. Considering the various theories proposed by different scholars and that of the epigraphical evidences it may be suggested that it was a nomenclature applied to Kalinga in its broader conception.

Tosala (Tosali) :
The epigraphical reference to this geographical unit is made in the Rock Edicts of Asoka at Dhauli, thereby suggesting that the city of Tosali existed around the present Dhauli hill. Commenting on the discovery of the vestiges of a large city not far from the hill, it has been upheld that the Tosali of the Inscription was the capital of the province Orissa during the Asoka's time.

The exclusion of Tosali in the Hathigumpha inscription led the scholars to believe that during that period probably it was a division of Kalinga, a suggetion that can well be correct. Another epigraphical record of the third century A. D. mentions Tosali as a separate kingdom. Bharata's Natyasastra also refers to Tosala as a separate kingdom. It has been pointed out that the people living on the banks of the river Vena, i.e., around present Cuttack were the inhabitants of Tosala. The Puranas refer to Tosala as a separate territory. The independence of Tosala is attested to in the Kavya-mimamsa, from that of Utkala, and from the fourth century A.D. two divisions of Tosala have been traced. The earliest mention of 'Ubhaya Tosali' is found in the inscription of Satrubhanja, which has been assigned to the fourth century A.D.

The division of Tosala into two parts namely Uttara Tosala and Daksina Tosala is recorded. Certain villages of Uttara Tosala are found to be located in the present Balasore district. The Soro copper plate grant of Maharaja SriSambuyasah of about 580 A.D. refers to Uttara Tosali. In the Bouda copper plate grant of Tribhubana Mahadevi it is recorded that 'Dandabhukti mandala', present Midnapur district of West Bengal, formed a part of Uttara Tosali. The Kanas plates of Lokavigraha and the Patiakella plates of Sivaraja referes to Daksina Tosali. The former inscription designates its donor as Astadasa-Tosalidhipati i.e. the Lord of Eighteen Tosalis. The Ervanga copper plate grant of Maharaja Sri Sambuyasah, of A.D. 555 records land grants in Daksina Tosali. The Ganjam grant of Madhvaraja of the Sailodbhava family, dated A.D. 670 speaks of 'Kongoda mandala' lying between the Bhargavi-Ku7sabhadra in the north and river Rsikulya in the south, which was included in south Tosali. Inscriptions of Sivakara II of the Bhaumakara dynasty, mention a village Bhubhruda in Antarudra visaya, which has been identified with Antarodha in Puri district, being included in Daksina Tosali. The early Bhaumakara records speak that those rulers were ruling over Tosali comprising Kongoda, a part of the southern Tosali.

Taking into account the above evidences it can be held that like Kalinga, the limits of Tosali gradually expanded from that of a comparatively small locality around present Dhauli hill. So much so that by the sixth A. D. it was divided into two distinct parts and engulfed the entire coast land, i.e. from north of the Kalinga janapada to beyond the present district of Balasore.

Utkala
The Mahabharata refers to Utkala as a distinct janapada along with Kekala, Poundra, Kalinga, Andhra, Nisada and Bahlika. In the same literary work Utkal is also mentioned as a clan living in the hilly tracts from Gaya to Orissa along with other clans. In the Ramayana and the Puranic literatures the Utkalas are associated with the Mekalas.

The Raghuvamsa of Kalidasa refers to the Utkala country lying between the river Kapisa in the Midnapur district of present West Bengal and that of the land of Kalingas. Scholars have also attributed the river Kapisa i.e., modern Kasai running through the district of Midnapur as the boundary line between Vanga and Utkala.

In the Puranas Utkalas are mentioned as a human race, and some of them locate Utkala in the Madhyadesa. In the Harivamsa Utkal has been stated as the son of Sudyumna residing in the area of the same name located in the north. The statement in the Harivamsa regarding the location of Utkala more or less corresponds to that of Kavyamimamasa which states that Utkala is one of those janapadas situated to the east of Kasi.

Somdatta, a king of Sailodbhava dynasty refers to Utkala desa along with Dandabhukti in his Midnapur plate, thus making them adjacent provinces where he was governing authority. Since the modern district of Midnapur has been identified with Dandabhukti there can be no doubt Utkala was bordering the province of Dandabhukti. Thus, during the period of Somadutta, the Southern portion of present Bankura district of West Bengal, Singbhum and Manbhum districts of Bihar, and Mayurbhanj district of Orissa are identified with Utkala. This hypothesis is more tenable than the identification of modern Orissa with Utkala during the time of Tivaradeva. Further, considering another record of Somadatta where the Utkaladesa is referred to as Odra-visaya, it can be presumed that the district of Balasore was included in the Litkaladsa. The reference of Odra-visaya in the record of the same king which also refers to Utkaladesa makes an interesting point to the extent that the same region gradually became known as Odra at least from the late half of seventh century A. D.

Odra
In the Mahabharata Odra has been referred to as a janapada which enjoys a distinct territorial status. As regards the location of this janapada, the Mahabharata says that it was situated near the sea. Elsewhere, Odra has been referred to as a race in the Mahabharata, and yet in another place it refers to the king of Odra along with the kings of Pandya, Kuninda, Kirata, Pundra, etc.
Pliny refers to Oretes as a people of India living near the mountain Mallus. While discussing the above reference, Cunningham has tried to connect these people with that of Odra who were living somewhere about the Mahanadi river and its tributaries, with their metropolis at Cuttack in Orissa.
Manu refers to Odra as the people associated with the Pundrakas, Dravidas etc. On the other hand Varahamihira gives an independent status to the Odra territory as a janapada peopled by the Odras.
Like the earlier literary documents, the Puranas also refer to Odra as a race, and in some other places as a separate geographical unit.
Hiuen Tsang refers to U-Cha, corresponding to Odra, a country reached by the traveler after 700 li from Karnasuvara in a south-western direction. Che-li-to-lo identified from modern Puri was the capital city of the Odra country situated on the borders of the sea. Besides, Hiuen-Tsang mentions a famous monastery called Pu0sie-po-ki-li, i.e., Puspagira on the south-western frontiers of the Odra country, corresponds more correctly to Ratnagiri near Jaipur.

In many medieval inscriptions Odra is treated as a visaya. Thus in the Soror plates of the sixth century, Odra-visaya is mentioned as a part of Uttar-Tosali that extended from the river Suvarnarekha to as far as the river Vaitarni or Mahanadi. Yet in some other inscriptions Odra is refered to frequently. The Brahmesvar temple inscription refers to a battle in which the ruler of Odra, identified with Ranabhanja of the Khinjali mandala, was killed. The inclusion of Khinjali mandala with the Odra country is further attested to in the copper plate grant of Yayati I. Further a grant of A.D. 899 depicts Odra as a small region in the present Mayurbhanj district. The extent of Odra is also ascertained from the Narasimhapur plates of Mahabhavagupta Udyotakesari, where a village is granted in Airavata mandala which includes half of the bed of the river Mahanadi, comprising a part of Odra. However, on the other hand the inclusion of both Yamagartta mandala comprising the present district of Dhenkanal and Khijjinga mandal with in the Odra territory has been refuted.

According to some scholars the modern village Upalada in the Parlakemundi sub-division, corresponding to the village Upalavada mentioned in the copper plate grant of Ranaka Ramadeva (c. 11th century A. D.) was the southern limit of Odra. Rajendra Chola's Tirumalai incscription referes to Odda-Visaya which was covered by dense forest. The Dirghasi inscription of Vanpati dated, A.D. 1075, a commander of Ganga king Rajaraja I, speaks of the defeat of the Kings of Kimedi, Kosala, Odra, Utkala, Vengi etc.

Scholars have variously identified the Odra country. Thus taking into account the ancient literary evidences, it has been identified with northern Orissa. The entire region from the Chilika lake to the Suvarnarekha river is also identified with Odra. From the sixth and seventh centuries A. D. the whole of coastal Orissa was termed as Odra. Others have proposed that the valley of Mahanadi and the lower course of the river Suvarnarekha formed the ancient Odra country. From cir. 700-1100 A.D. Odradesa was bounded by the Mahanadi river in the north, Daksina, Tosali in the east, Daksina Kosala in the west, and the modern Paralakhemundi region in the south.
Thus before the seventh century A.D. the Odra country was lying in-between Daksina Kosala and Tosali, and after the northern coastal Orissa was included and still later the whole of coastal Orissa was known as Utkala.
Dakshina Kosala
The Buddhist text Anguttara Nikaya mentions Kosala in the list of sixteen Mahajanapadas. The Kalpasutra makes a reference to the king of Kosala. The Mahabharata refers to Kosal as a janapada, to the south which was Daksinpatha. The Puranas also mention Kosala as a janapada. However, the part of Kosala which was included in ancient Orissa was known as Daksina-Kosala. Commenting upon the kings of Daksinapatha who were vanquished by Samudragupta, H.C. Raychaudhuri remarks that "KOsala in Daksinapatha, i.e., south Kosala, comprised the modern Bilaspur, Raipur and Sambalpur districts, and occasionally possibly even a part of Ganjam".
Coming on southern Kosala, Hiuen Tsang states that from Kalinga he went north-west for 1800 li to Kosala, a country which was more than 6000 li in circuit, and its capital was above 40 li in circuit. It has further been noted that the country was called 'south Kosala' apparently to distinguish from the Kosala in the north.

Coming on the epigraphical evidences it is notices that king Tivaradeva who flourished about the end of the seventh century A.D. assumed the title fo 'Sakalakosa-ladhipati, obviously which seems to be an honorific title. Apart from this, a number of copper plate grants of the Somavamsi rulers found from the region of western Orissa, mention their issuer as the Lord of Kosala, while from the time of Mahabhavagupta onward the title 'Trikalingadhipati' appeared instead of 'Kosaladhipati'. Druing the early parts of tenth century A.D. king Janmejaya I is said to have united both Kosala and Odra. Later on the imperial Ganga king Devendravarma Rajaraja conquered both the kingdoms of Kosla and Odra, which has been referred to in the Dirghasi stone inscription.

In view of the above references, and that of various place names such as Sripura, Sarabhapura, Satalma, Suvarnapur etc., it can be said that the Sambalpur region and particularly the south Mahanadi valley comprising Sonpur, Patna, Sarangarh, and Raipur formed the kingdom of Daksina Kosala.

Kongoda
In the first half of the seventh century A.D. Orissa was divided into three distinct parts, viz., U-ch'a (Odra), Kong- yu-t'o (Kongoda or Kungada) and Ki-ling-kia (Kalinga). Hiuen-Tsang remarks that Kongoda was more than 200 miles from Wu-cha or Odra and the country was hilly stretching from the slopes of the hill to the edge of the sea. Following Hiuen Tsang's statement scholars have held that the Kongoda country began from the south of Chilika lake near Chhatrapur. Other scholars have suggested that the region of Kongoda possibly extended from the present Kaluparaghat in the north to the Mehandra hills in the south, and from the sea in the east to the boundary of ex-Kalahandi state.

By second half of the seventh century A. D. the kingdom of Kongoda appeared to have comprised considerable portion of Daksina Tosali whereas the later Sailodbhava records suggest that it was a mandala in the country of Daksina Tosali.

The Ganjam plates of Madhvaraja locate the Kongoda country on the bank of the Salima river identified with the river Rsikulya in Ganjam district, Orissa. A number of visayas such as Krsnagiri, Thorana, Gudda, Devagrama, Jayapura, Katakabhukti, Khidingahara etc. referred to in the Sailobhava records, constitute the Kongoda mandala.

Considering all the evidences it may be suggested that the Kongoda mandala covered the area between the Chilika lake and the sea in the east to the eastern portion of the present district of Phulbani and Korput and from the lower valley of the river Mahanadi to the Mahendra mountain in the south.

Apart from various janapadas discussed above, a number of smaller separate geographical units existed in different periods in ancient Orissa. These are Svetaka, Khinjali, Kodalaka, Taitila etc.
The Mahabharat makes a reference to Svetaka. During the period of the early Ganges, Svetaka became prominent; and most of their records were issued from this place. Though most of the plates of the Svetaka Gangas are undated, generally these were assigned to the seventh century A.D. Further, Svetaka probably the capital city, has been identified with modern Chikiti in the district of Ganjam. Others have identified it with the village Sadak near Chikiti.

In the Bhanja copper plates Khijjinga is known as Khijjinga-Kotta. The records of Ranabhanja refers to some villages situated in Uttarakhanda obviously meaning a division of Khijjinga, thereby suggesting that Khijjinga was a comparatively big territory. All the Bhanja records referring to Khinjjinga cannot be traced beyond the tenth century A.D. This geographical unit has been located in the modern districts of Mayurbhanj embracing also the northern part of Keonjhar. The headquarters of Khijjinga, Khijjinga-Kotta has been identified with modern Khiching in the Mayurbhanj district. This kotta or fort of Khijjinga is certainly modern Khiching, about ninety miles south-west of present Baripada town.

Khinjali was variously identified with the modern Keonjhar district, and Injili in modern Annual of the present Dhenkanal district. These identifications are, however, refuted by some scholars. In the process, place names like Royara, Jayantamura, Sivira, Rohila, Jammura, Subalia, Gandharadi, and etc. in the Sonepur and Baud region. Besides this, rivers like the Tel, Vyaghra and Salanki fo the Bhanja plates are known by the same name even today, and that too flowing in the king as the lord of both the Khinjalis, suggesting thereby the Khinjali was divided into two parts. Further, the Sonepur grant of Satrubhanja refers to two Khinjalis, suggesting thereby the Khinjali was divided into two Khinjalis.. In this context, it may be noted that whereas the Taspaikera charter refers to Uttarapalli, the Singhara charter makes a reference to Daksinapalli. Hence it has been suggested that probably the river Mahanadi divided the Khinjali unit into two divisions, a suggestion seems to be tenable.

The copper plate grants of the Sulki kings of Orissa refer to Kodalaka as a mandala or district. This mandala has been located in the present Midnapur district of West Bengal. The Kodalaka of the inscriptions might have been the capital of the Sulkis. This, the find spot of those records may be utilized to locate the place. Hence, it has been identified with the modern Kalau, seven miles from Talcher in the present Dhenkanal district. Other scholars have taken it as comprising roughly of the modern Denkanal district. Further it has been maintained that the Nandas who ruled over here after the Sulkis, named it as Airavatamandala. In any case, it appears more reasonable to suggest that the Kodalaka unit was situated in the modern district of Dhenkanal.
The geographical unit of Tatila finds mention in the Astadhyayi of Panini as a flourishing trade centre mainly famous for a type of cotton fibre. The Arthasastra of Kautilya refers to Taitila, from where horses of medium variety were being exported to be used in war. A hoard of punch-marked coins datable to the pre-Mauryan period found from Sonepur, in the present district of Balangir, indicate that the western Orissa was famous for trade activity during the period. The identification of modern Titilagarh region in the Sambalpujr district with that of Tatila seems to be quite probable, and so also the suggestion that the trade centers the Sonepur-Titilagarh region were connected with other flourishing places of Kalinga like Dantapur and Pithunda.
The janapadas, thus together constitute ancient Orissa, though significantly expanding and contrasting in different periods, mainly owing to the rise and fall of a number of royal dynasties. Side-by-side comparatively smaller geographical units within the broader outline of ancient Orissa also emerged. Still further, lesser independent modern Sundargarh district, and a portion of Deoghar region in the Sambalpur district; Khindirasrnga, comprising the parts of Dharakota, Bodagada, Seragada and Sarada in modern Ganjam district; Cakrakotta, comprising parts of present Bastar district in M. P. and that of modern Koraput in Orissa also emerged.

Jain Monuments in Southern Karnataka

Dr. M. S. Krishna Murthy


Jainism, one of the oldest living faiths of India, has a hoary antiquity in Karnataka. No doubt, this religion took its birth in North India. However, within a couple of centuries of its birth, this religion is said to have entered into Karnataka. Jaina tradition ascribe III C.B.C. as the date of entry of this religion to south India, and in particular to Karnataka. After this period Jainism grew from strength to strength and heralded a glorious era, never to be witnessed in any part of India, to become a religion next only to Brahmanism in popularity and number. Though Jainism was spread over different parts of south India within the first few centureis of the Christian era, its nucleus as well as the stronghold was southern Karnataka. In fact, it is the general opinion that the history of Jainism in south India is predominantly the history of that religion in Karnataka. Such was the prominence that this religion enjoyed throughout the first millenium A.D. Liberal royal patron­age extended by the Kadambas, the Gangas, the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas, the Nolambas, !he Kalyana Chalukyas, the Hoysalas, the Vijayanagar rulers and their successors, resulted in the uninterrupted growth of this religion in southern Karnataka on an unpreceden~ed scale.

The growth, spread and popularity of Jainism in Karnataka is best illustrated by the beautiful monuments that the Jains constructed in different parts of the State. A close study of these monuments in Karnataka, would, however, reveal that the Jainas has no separate architectural tradition of their own. In the general pattern of architectural and art forms, they, nevertheless, adopted or followed, the contemporary Brahmanical architectual style prevailing in Karnataka. That is to say during the early period their architecture was similar to the Dravidian temple forms as practiced by the Gangas, Chalukyas, Pallavas etc. During the Hoysala period, they conveniently followed the traditional Hoysala as well as Dravida styles. Again during the Vijayanagar and later periods they built basadis in the same popular Dravidian style.
Besides the structural basadis, there are also a few rock-cut Jaina monuments in Karnataka indicating no strong affiliation of the Jains to one particular mode of architecture. These rock-cut vestiges are very few in number and very humble in their execution. Therefore it is difficult to suggest that a separate tradition of rock-cut architecture was practiced by the Jains.

For the sake of study the existing important monuments of the Jains in Southern Karnataka have been classified into three chronological groups viz., I-the early period (Ganga Period), II-the middle period (Hoysala period) and III the later period (Vijayanagar and post-Vijayanagar).
I - EARLY PERIOD (GANGA PERIOD) : The chronology of the temples that come under this group is between 6th century to 10th century A.D. during which time most of the parts of southern Karnataka were ruled by the Western Gangas of Talkad. The patronage that they gave for the promotion of Jainism in their kingdom, is no doubt, unprecedented.

The general layout or plan of the Jaina structural temples of this period, as can be verified from the existing Jaina monuments, generally consists of a square 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a 'gudhamandapa' (navaranga') and in rare cases a small pillared porch ('mukha mandapa'/mukha Chatushki'). They are generally 'nirandhara' temples. No apsidal Jaina basadi is noticed so far. Normally the basadis are built inside an enclosure wall with a gateway in front, occasionally having a dwara­mandapa without a 'gopura' above.

The structure is built above a moulded plinth consisting of 'upana', 'Jagati' , kumuda' 'kantha' (with or without 'kampa') 'kapota' or 'prati', and 'pattika'. The walls of the basadis are filled, at regular intervals, with pilasters, having all the decorative features of the pillars found inside the temple. Pilasters support the corbels ('potika') and architrave ('valabhi') above. The architraves or beams some­times contains a frieze of 'hamsas' or 'Ganas' or similar other decoration. 'kapota', punctated by 'kudus' at regular intervals and 'hara' (parapet) above or 'pindi' (ceiling slab) occur above the wall. So is the general pattern of decoration of the exterior wall surface, which runs uniformly alround the structure.

The wall surface may, sometimes, have 'bhadras' or central projections and 'kosthas' (niches) at regular intervals, flanked by pilasters surmounting 'toranas'. The garbhagriha' normally contains a superstructure of a very simple form ('grive sikhara') or a storeyed tower i.e., a 'sikhara' -tower.

In the design and decoration of pillars, door frames, windows, the Jaina temples of this period show a remarkable affinity with the existing Brahmanical temple of the Dravidian style. However, in the decoration of the interiors, particularly the central part of the ceiling ('vitand') of the 'navaranga' one can see a slight difference, The Brahmanical temples generally contain the panels of 'asthadikpalakas' surrounding Siva (generally Nataraja). But in the Jaina basadis instead of Siva in the centre a seated Tirthankara is represented. The 'garbhagrihas' contain the image of a Jina either in seated or standing postures, placed against the back wall of the shrine, facing the doorway.

Now coming to the study of the monuments proper, we can, on definite grounds, say that the temple architecture of the Jains had a very early beginning in southern Karnataka, as gleaned from the epigraphical and archeological evi­dences. The Halsi copper plate inscriptionl records that Mrigeshavarma (455-80 A.D.) in memory of his father Santivarma (430-55 A.D.) got a Jinalaya constructed and gave liberal grants to Jaina ascetics. Many more records of the Kadambas of Banavasi refer to the grants made to several 'sanghas' of the Jainas and to 'arhadayatanas' that flourished in their kingdom.

Same was the case with southern parts of Karnataka which were under the political hold of the Gangas of Gangavadi. Sravanabelagola a part of the Ganga Kingdom, no doubt, was the nucleus of Jainism in south India even before the Gangas emerged as a political power to reckon with. Several hundred inscriptions of Sravanabelagola record the existence of many Jaina basadis, 'Sanghas' and celebrated 'munis' of the creed at this centre as well as in other parts of Gangawadi.

However, it may be said, that these religious edifices of the Jains had a very humble beginning. They were, at the best of their appearance, were not more than a simple brick and wood structure, without much show. Even these structures, extant to us, are in a very bad state of preservation, because of the softer media used for their construction like, brick, mud and wood.

In 1897 ruins of a brick basadi were discovered at Nonamangala, near Malur in Kolar district2. Two copper plate inscriptions3 and a few bronze objects were also discovered in the debris of the structure. One of the inscriptions (Mr 73) records that the Ganga King Madhava II (461-85 A.D.) during his third regnal year (474 A. D.) at the behest of Acharya Viradeva gave a land grant to an 'arhadayatana' that existed at Perbolal. The second copper plate records that during his first regnal year the king Avinita (C. 530-70 A. D), gifts to the 'arhadayatana' at Uranur and Perur, affiliated to 'Mulasangha' were given. These two grants no doubt refer to the basadi in the ruins of which they were discovered. Only the basement of this brick structure is found in a field two Kms. west of the village and the walls were composed of a very large size bricks which were only one to two inches in thickness. Near the doorway of the east, stuck in a crevice of the wall, were found plates Mr. 73. In the north wall, near the side of the shrine, was a small chamber or cupboard, partly projecting from the wall. In this were found plates Mr. 72, along with a number of other articles"4 Dr. I. K. Sarma opines that "The find spot where ruins of brick temples were encountered was the very Jaina establishment mentioned in the grants"5.

Recent excavations at Talkad 6 have brought to light the remains of a large brick structure buried under the debris as well as the sand dune. This structure identified as a Parsvanatha basadl7 is datable on stylistic ground to 7th, 8th century A.D.8.

This structure appears to have been built in two phases. The first phase consists of three cellas is a row, an early variant of a 'trikuta' on plan, fronted by a common narrow 'mukhamandapa'. In front of this slightly separated from the main structure, in the same axis, is another square pavillion. These two units form the first phase datable to 7th-8th century A.D. The ruined stumps of the 'garbhagriha' wall, brick paved flooring of the central 'garbhagriha', portions of the flooring of the left shrine and the complete structure below that level are the only remnants, of the basadi of the First phase. Only the shrines and the two sides of the porch appear to have had brick walls surmounting a wooden roof. The sides of the detached 'mandapa' were open. Supported on the wooden pillars, there was probably a wooden roof for this pavillion also, as evidenced by the existence of several post­holes. This basadi, particularly the roof, appears to have been destroyed in a fire accident, and was later enlarged and reconstructed.

Enlargement of the basadi was made by constructing a parallel wall at a distance of about one metre encompassing both the shrine and the pavilion. This second wall provided a covered circum ambulatory path for the shrines, while it enlarged the pavilion in front on all the four sides, and converted the open pavilion into a large 'navaranga'. The 'navaranga' and the porch in front of the shrine were connected by a doorway. A well moulded stone 'adhisthana', comprising of 'upana', 'Jagati', 'kumuda' (round) 'kantha' (with 'kampa') 'pattika' and 'prati', was provided for the structure, However It is not possible to have a clear idea of the 'bhitti' and the superstructure of the basadi. Many decorative pieces moulded in lime mortar, 'kudus', 'keertimukhas', burnt 'bricks of various shapes, sizes, and terracotta mouldings, stone pedestals of pillars have been discovered during excavatins. These artistic objects indicate that a well shaped and styled basadi was existing at that place during 10th century A. D.

The Mercara Copper plates9 of Avinita (469.529 A. D.) (regarded as spurious) refers to the existence of a basadi at Talkad called Vijaya Jinalaya, caused by the minister of Akalavarsha Prithvivallabha at Talavananagara. It appears that this newly excavated basadi is perhaps, the same Jinalaya mentioned in the plates.

The excavation has not provided any clue to date this basadi to the period of Avinita. However, it is possible for us to surmise, through a comparative study of this basadi with other basad is of more or less the same period existing at other parts of Gangavadi to date this structure to 7th - 8th Century A. D. The plan of the I phase of this brick structure, particularly the' garbhagriha' unit bears a striking resemblance with the plan of the Chandragupta basadi at Sravanabelagola, datable on stylistic grounds to Pallava - early Chola period (i.e., 8th-9th century A.D.)10. Three sanctums in a row, the central cella being larger than the two cellas on the sides, all the cellas having openings to a common oblong verandah or porch, closed on the two sides are features common to both the basadis, It may be noted here that the Talakad basadi being a basadi of wood and brick with a detatched pavilion in front (a feature of early temples of Tamil country) being built first, served as a model for shaping the Chandragupta basadi in granite.

As evidenced by the excavation, this basadi of wood and brick must have suffered great damage, particularly to the wooden roof. Hence, this basadi was reconstructed and also in the meantime enlarged, During the renovation, the contemporary architectural practice of providing a circumambulatory passage and an attached spacious Inavarangal was followed. So also for exterior treatment of the wall and 'adhisthana', the Chandragupta basadi at Sravanabelagola served as a model for restoration, Because, from the remains of the basadi, remnants of almost all the mouldings and decorative designs that we see in Chandragupta basadi, have been unearthed, A reconstruction of the basadi based on these remnants, would, however, provide us with an elevational pattern, precisely resembling the elevation of Chandragupta basadi. Therefore in all probability the Talakad basadi must have been reconstructed during 9th-10th century A.D.

The brick structures of the early period made way for the construction of basadis in a more permanent material like stone, which was the order of the day for the structures of the Brahmanical creed. To study and appreciate the Jaina monuments of this period one has to visit Sravanabelgola in Channarayapattana taluk of Hassan district. Here two hillocks, 'large' (Indragiri/Vindhyagiri) and 'small' (Chandragiri) provide umpteen religious edifices, of the Jains datable from 7th century A.D, to modern period. Of these two hills the 'small hill' contains monuments of earlier date than the 'large hill'.

The earliest amongst the existing structures on the 'small hill' is the Chandra Prabhanatha basadi, built facing north. The plan of this structure consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', and a 'navaranga' having a group of four central pillars. The basadi is of 'misra' type, i.e., the brick structure raised over a stone plinth, It is said to have been erected by the Ganga king Sivamara II, hence called Sivamara basadi.

The next to come on the hill is the Chandragupta basadi, a triple celled structure already cited. This basadi built in granite appears to have been modelled on the plan of the Talakad brick basadi. Three cellas arranged in a row fronted by an oblong verandah forms the core of this basadi even though it is covered in front by later structures. Of the three cellas, the two side ones have 'ekatala brahmachchanda vimanas', while the 'vimana' of the central shrine is missing. A sculpture of Parsvanatha is housed in the central shrine while the two side shrines house Padmavati and Kushmandini Yakshis. "The entire unit" according to Dr. I. K. Sarma11, "represents an early variant of a 'Trikuta' on plan with the three 'vimanas' in a parallel line fornted by a long 'mandapa' in right angles' with the main entrance at the center facing south". He further states that "the central shrine had originally, perhaps, a 'dvitala' vimana on its top consummate to its bigger dimension and the importance of the enshrined image".

Built on a plinth consisting of 'upana' 'jagati', 'tripattakumuda' 'kampa', 'pattika', the wall surface contains a row of pilasters at regular intervals. The 'bhadra' portion at the back as well as the side walls have 'kosthas' flanked by half pilasters. The 'kapota' is punctuated by 'kudas', The 'vitana' moulding below the tower has 'vyalavari' alround. There are two 'ekatala vimanas' of 'Brahmachchanda' class above corresponding to the two side shrines, and the central 'vimana' as already stated is missing. The 'stupis' of both the 'vimanas' are missing.

The next important structure to be built on Chandragiri is the Chamundaraya basadi, a gem of Jaina architecture in the pure Dravidian style, caused to be erected by Chamundaraya, the able minister of Ganga king Marasimha II in 982 A.D. The basadi was completed by the former's son Jinadeva in 995 A.D. The basadi is a rectangular structure of the 'sandhara' type built facing east. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', a 'pradakshinapatha', open 'sukanasi', navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. Above the 'garbhagriha' is a 'dvitala vimana' of which the first 'tala' is functional as it contains a cella and a porch with an approach staircase. The second 'tala' is' only conventional. The 'sikhara' element is of 'Vishnuchchanda' type (octagonal) surmounted by a 'stupi'.

The structure is built over a neatly moulded' adhisthana'. The wall above is decorated with regularly spaced pilasters and niches. The 'kapota' is punctated with 'kudus'. The 'hara' filled with relief sculptures of Tirthankaras, Yakshas, Yakshis, Gandharvas, Apsaras, elephants etc., give an attractive elevation to the temple. The 'navaranga' has sixteen pillars and the 'sukanasi' has two. The porch in front is an addition made by the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana in place of the original porch.
The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of. Neminatha flanked by 'Chauri' bearers. This image bears Hoysala characteristic features hence, may be a later replacement. The cella on the first storey of the 'vimana' houses the standing image of Parsvanatha installed by Chamundaraya's son Jinadeva in 985 A.D.

The most beautiful' and splendid example of the Jaina architecture of the early period is the Panchakuta basadi at Kambadahalli, Mandya district. Exact date of construction of this temple is not known. However, on stylistic grounds this may be placed to X century A.D12. This basadi facing north is built in two phases. The whole structure is enclosed by a high wall having an entrance and a porch in the North. The first phase consists of three symmetrically arranged and equally sized cellas oriented towards south, east and west. Each part has a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' opening to a common 'navaranga' consisting of 4 central pillars. The 'navaranga' has a doorway towards the north and a porch in front of it. The second phase is a 'dvikuta' of a slightly later period, built just in front of the porch of first phase. It consists of two shrines built facing each other. Each shrine has a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi' a 'navaranga' of four pillars connected to a common porch in front. In between the porches of these two phases, is a 'balipitha'. This is a neatly moulded structure also sculpted on the sides.

All the shrines have the images of Tirthankaras viz., I phase, South­Adinatha, West-Neminatha, and east Santinatha. II phase, West-Adinatha and east Santinatha. All the five shrines are built in granite in pure Dravidian style, hence look identical in form and shape except for the 'sikhara' part which are of round, square and octagonal shapes. Vertical elevation of all the shrines exhibit identically treated surface. The three shrines of the I phase stand on the common' adhisthana' and two of the II phase, on another. The mouldings of these two 'adhisthanas' are nevertheless identical in treatment. They are 'upana', 'jagati', 'tripattakumuda'. 'kantha' with 'kampa' and 'pattika'.

The wall surface has tetragonal pilasters at regular intervals. Architectural niches are, however, found in the central part of the walls of each of the architectural components. A few of them also have standing Jina images. Neverthe­less the total 'appearance of the building, is highly orthodox, symmetrical and pleasing. These temples with their proportional dimensions, according to Dr. I.K, Sarma "impart an arithmetic beauty, speak of the mastery of the compositional aspects of the temple builders13". Dr. K.R. Srinivasan considers this monument as a "landmark in south Indian temple architecture"14.
Besides, these important Jaina monuments described above. There are innumerable Jain vestiges in southern Karnataka datable to the first millennium A. D. Important among them are listed below :
Place
Name
Material
1. Manne, B'lore Dist.
Sule Devalaya
Stone
2. Muguru, Mysore Dist.
Sivalaya Basadi
Brick/Stone
3. Nandi, B'lore Dist.
Rock Shelters
4. Tippuru, Mandya Dist.
Site
Rock Shelters
5. Kyatanahalli, Mandya Dist.
Site
6. Bastipura, Mysore Dist.
Site (Now completely disappeared)
7. Doddahundi, Mysore Dist.
Nishidhi
8. Begur, B'lore Dist
Nishidi
9. Asandhi, Kadur Dist.
Nishidi

II. MIDDLE PERIOD (HOYSALA PERIOD)The end of X century A.D. witnessed a tremendous political change in southern Karnataka. The Ganga royal family which dominated the politics of this region for over five centuries suddenly eclipsed due to the political supremacy of the Cholas on one side and the emergence of the Hoysalas on the other. The Cholas who conquered south eastern parts of Karnataka and ruled it for over one hundred years did not appear to have provided as congenial an atmoshere as extended to by the Gangas for' the promotion of Jainism. However, the Hoysalas who emerged as a strong political power offered the same prestigious position and status of Jainism as was extended to by the Gangas. Even the emergence of Srivaishnavism under the Saint Ramanujacharya as a powerful religion did not, in any way, affect the power, pomp and popularity of Jainism in the Hoysala country. The golden age of Jainism in Karnataka which commenced during the middle of X century A.D. continued upto the end of XII century. During this period the best of the religious and cultural achievements may be said to have attained by the Jains in Karnataka.

The Hoysalas practiced an art tradition which is, of course, magnificent and unique by itself. Described as a hyoridised form of Nagara and Dravida styles of architecture, the Hoysala temples contain many other elements, which, to a great extent, are the innovations of highly skilled creative artists. The Hoysala medium for construction of temples was mainly Chloritic schist or soap stone known for its fine grain. close texture, soft and malleable qualities. The softness of the stone was taken best advantage of for the exquisite display of minute and lavish decoration in each and every part of the architectural programme. Hundreds of temples allover southern Karnataka were built under the liberal patronage of Hoysalas. Two modes of architectural styles were preferred to for building temples by these artists. The first is the classical mode which is characteristic of their style and the second is the Dravidian style. The classical mode or the Hoysala style also defined as 'Vesara' style-a tasteful blend of North and South Indian varieties - consists of a star-shaped plan for the 'garbhagriha'. The other parts of the temple plan are 'sukanasi', 'navaranga', 'mukhamandapa' all built generally over a platform or 'jagati', slightly bigger in size than the temple proper, providing an open promenade alround, for circumambulation.

The 'vimana', being a mixed form of north and south Indian varieties, possesses the Nagara element in the vertical ribbings and deep chases of the wall carried right upto the top; as well as the Dravida element in the steeply stepped horizontal tiers of the tower. The 'vimana'-tower is neither curvilinear nor stepped pyramidal but looks roughly like a half folded royal parasol. Examples of this type of 'vimanas' are few compared to the second style of modified Dravidian stepped pyramidal 'vimanas' of the Hoysalas. 'Kadamba Nagara' or 'Phamsana' variety of 'vimana' towers were also built besides the two varieties described above.

The Jain temples of the Hoysala period, to suit their simple and austere religious life, were also constructed in a simple form, of course, within the general pattern of the Hoysala style. Except two living examples all the Jaina monuments of the period are conspicuous by their simplicity and clarity of style.

Despite the fact that the Jaina builders got accustomed to the new style and media brought in by the Hoysala builders, those Jaina monuments that were built on the Chandragiri (small hill) at Sravanabelgola, the nucleus of Jainism in Karnataka. are built in the orthodox Dravidian style as practiced by the Gangas. They are either granite temples or brick temples or 'misra' (mixed) type. It is difficult to give a satisfactory explanation to this puritanism of the Jains on this hill. However, this may be explained as that they were probably, slow in assimilating, the new wave of architectural movement existing around or perhaps, they found the old Dravidian style with less glamour adequate to meet their minimal religious requirements. Moreover strict adherence to austerity and restraint are the first and foremost principles of a true Jain to achieve the goal of salvation. Probably this temperament of the Jains played a major role in the design and decoration of the basadis they constructed on small hill. It must be remembered that simplicity of the style, however, in no way reflects the economic stature of the patrons. Most of these basad is are constructed by Kings, Queens, wealthy and influential persons, some of whom were even related to the ruling royal family and placed highly in the official and social circles. Gangaraja, the celebrated general, King Vishnuvardhana, and others, Queen Santaladevi, ministers and wealthy merchants have caused basadis to be built here. Yet they are simple Dravidian structures with no superior architectural elegance and the rich Hoysala style has the least impact on these structures.

While this was the case with the monuments on Chandragiri, in others places the impact of Hoysala art was rather less. However, personal predilections and taste of the patrons also played a deciding role in the selection of architectural pattern of the temple. This resulted in the construction of a few basad is in the ornate style of the Hoysalas. The Jaina architects also started gradually absorbing the Hoysala elements into their structures. Soap stone which was used hither to by the Jains for carving sculptures also became the media for constructing walls, carving pillars, doorways and 'bhuvanesvaris'. The stellate plan, in contrast to Dravidian plan was also brought in occasionally.

Now coming to some of the general characteristic features of the Jain basadis of the Hoysala period we can say that the principal components of the plan of these structures, whether built in pure Dravidian style, or Hoysala style,' apparently contains a 'garbhagriha' a 'Sukanasi', (open or closed) a 'navaranga' and a 'mukhamandapa'. All these temples are 'nirandhara' in character excepting one solitary example (Kattale basadi on Chandragiri).The plan of the basadis of the Hoysala period (excepting those built on the Chandragiri in Dravidian style) may by classified broadly into the following three categories:
Basadis whose walls are laid in straight lines without offsets
Basadis whose walls have graduated projections
Basadis whose 'vimanas' have stellate plans.

The exterior walls of these structures of the period are usually simple in contrast to the rich sculptural and decorative treatment of the Brahmanical temples. They usually possess the simple decoration of pilasters, sham niches, with turrets above, a sloped 'kapota', parapet and 'vimana'-tower. The 'vimana'-tower occurs in rare cases. However, they are built in Dravidian or Hoysala styles depending upon the structure on which it is supported.

The pillars of the Jain temples of the period, are no doubt, lathe turned and highly polished in the typical Hoysala fashion and medium. Excepting the varieties of mouldings, (vertical or horizontal) the bell shape in the centre and lustrous polish, nothing aesthetically significant is found on them.

The domed ceilings or the 'bhuvanesvaris' or the Jain basad is are of no less inferior to those found in the Brahmanical temples of the period, in design, decoration and size. Here one can see a vivid display of architectural, decorative designs and puranic frieges of the Jains vividly recorded.

The doorways of the basadis are also equally ornate in their delineation. Figures of Yaksha and Yakshi, Manmatha at Rati appear on the door jambs. The figures of Ganga and Yamuna are generally absent. 'Dwarapalakas' are often found here. The lintel at its 'Ialatabimba' usually contains the figure of a seated Jina or god Indra.

As the worship of Yakshas and Yakshis was the trend of the day amongst the Digambara Jains, each and every basadi was adorned with the loose sculptures of respective Yaksha and Yakshi of the Jina housed in the 'garbhagriha'. They are placed either in the' sukanasi' or in the navaranga'.
Every basadi was also provided with a 'Manastambha', a counterpart of the 'Dhwajastamba' of the Brahmanical temples. 'Manastambha' is a lofty pillar firmly fixed to the ground through a masonry, moulded platform. The monolithic shaft supports a capital, a divine figure or a jina, housed normally inside a small masonry pavilion with a turret above.

Some of the important places in Southern Karnataka where good Jain basadis can be seen are Sravanabelgola, Jinanathapura, Halebeedu, Humcha, Chikkahanasoga, Nitturu Arasikere and other places. Besides these places listed above there are also a number of places in the region where Jaina basadis are still extant. Many of them are either in disrepair or have been renovated during later times thus losing theit original shape.

SRAVANABELGOLA : The largest concentration of Jaina basadis at one place in Karnataka is to be seen here, where nearly one hundred monuments of various sizes and shapes are existing at present situated on the two hills and in the township as well. Among them some are Ganga, some are Hoysala and some, Vijayanagar in time. However, architectural activity at this place on the maximum scale may be said to have taken place during Ganga and Hoysala periods.
Of the basadis at Sravanabelgola township the Bhandari basadi, Akkana basadi and Nagara Jinalaya deserve special attention here. Bhandari basadi or 'Chaturvimsati Tirthankara basadi' is a large structure built facing North contains on plan an oblong 'garbhagriha'; a similar 'sukanasi', 'navaranga', mukhamandapa' and a porch all enclosed by a 'prakara' wall. This basadi is so named because it was got constructed by Hulla, the Bhandari (royal treasurer) of Hoysala Narasimha I in 1159 A. D. The king who visited this basadi named it as 'Bhavya Chudamani basadi' and granted the village Savaneru (Sravaneri) for its upkeep. The 'garbhagriha' contains the images of all the 24 Tirthankaras, each 3' in height, all placed on a common oblong pedestal. There are three doorways provided for the' garbhagriha' in front to have a clear look of all the images. The central doorway contains the usual delicate and crisp carvings of the Hoysala workmanship. The interspaces of the doorways are provided with 'jalandhras'. The central part of the 'navaranga' floor contains a huge monolithic slab of 10 feet sides. Similar slabs are also found in front of the structure a good example to the tremendous transportation capacity of the Hoysala builders.

The only temple in Sravanabelgola to be built in the classical non-ornate Hoysala idiom is the Akkana basadi, so named as it was constructed by a staunch Jaina lady Achiyakka wife of Chandra Mouli, a saiva Brah­min, a 'Sandhi vigrahi', and a min­ister of Ballala II, in the year 1182 A.D. as evidenced by two inscriptions there 15. The temple is built out of dark blue schist on a stellate plan. The plan consists of a 'jagati', a 'garbha­griha', a' sukanasi', a 'navaranga' and a 'mukhamandapa'.

The garbhagriha houses the standing image of Parsvanatha of about 5" in height. The' sukanasi' has the seated images of Dharanendra Yaksha and Padmavathi Yakshi. The 'nava­ranga' has four beau­tifully carved 'bell' moulded pillars and also 'bhuva-nesvaris' with delicate carvings. The outer walls are non-ornate, hence appear very simple. Plinth having neatly cut mouldings, thin pilasters and occasional 'stambha panjaras' of the walls, the 'kapota', the 'prastara', elegantly shaped pyramidal 'vimana'-tower with a 'sukanasa' projection in front, are all built in conformity with the Hoysala style. The carvings are still unfinished.

The other Jaina temple of the Hoysala period here is the Nagara Jinalaya built in 1199 A. D. by 'Pattanaswamy' Nagadeva. 'Sri Nilaya' is the other name of this basadi. As the merchants of the town ('nagaras') gave many grants to this basadi it came to be known as 'Nagara Jinalaya'. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' houses the standing image of Adinatha (21/2' in height). The 'navaranga' has the image of standing Brahmadeva. He holds a fruit in the left hand and a whip in the right. The pedestal has the carving of a horse.
Small hill or Chikka betta in Sravanabelgola during the Xl and XIII centuries was a beehive of Jaina religious activities. Gangaraja, Santaladevi, and other rich and liberal people built six basadis on this hill. However all these monuments, as noticed earlier, are built out of granite and are in Dra"vidian style. They are 1. P arsvanatha basadi, 2. Kattale basadi, 3. Sasana basadi, 4. Savatigandhavarana basadi, 5. Teriha basadi, 6. Santisvara basadi.

PARSVANATHA BASADI : This being one of the two tallest structures of Sravanabelgola, houses the standing image of Parsvanatha of 17' in height. It has a seven hooded serpent above. This image carved out of a single block of schist is next only to the colossus of Gommata in height at Sravanbelgola. Not only this sculpture of Parsvanatha is colossal but it is also beautiful with delicate and tasteful decorations of the hooded 'serpent, sculptured pedestal where mythologically important reliefs are carved.

The temple occupies an area of 69 X 20 feet and on plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', navaranga' and a porch. Except for the neatly moulded plinth and sloped 'kapota' aesthetically there is nothing noteworthy in the struc­ture. The exact date of c:mstruction of this temple is not known. However,it is datable to the beginning of 12th century A.D. on the basis of an inscription on a pillar in the temple.

In front of this basadi is a neatly executed 'Manastambha' erected by Puttayya in 17th century. This supports a pillared pavilion with a turret above. The total height of this' stambha' is 65'.6".

KATTALE BASADI : The biggest of the basadis on the small hill. It measures 120 x 40 feet. 'garbhagriha', 'pradakshinapatha' (a strange phenomenon of this temple) an open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga' of 16 pillars, a large 'rangpmandapa' (a hypostyle hall built adjoining the front of Chandragupta basadi of Ganga times) are the components of the plan of this structure, The 'garbhagriha' houses the seated image of Adinatha flanked by male 'chauri' bearers. A label inscription on the pedestal of this image records that Pochavve, mother of Gangaraja caused this basadi to be built here. A large stone screen containing many interesting incidents of Jaina mythology, is found placed separating the 'rangamandapa' of this basadi and the adjoining Chandragupta basadi.

SASANA BASADI : A structure of misra type i.e., a neatly plastered brick and mortar structure on a well moulded stone plinth. Its plan has a 'garbhagriha', open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of Adinatha of 5' high, 'sukanasi' houses the images of Yaksha Gomukha and Yakshi Chakresvari. The wall decoration on the exterior consists of closely spaced pilasters, 'kapota', 'hara' housing Jaina figures. Gangaraja, the able general of king Vishnuvardhana built this basadi 'Indrakulagriha' and the king granted a village for its upkeep. The basadi has derived its present name becasue of the presence of a large stone inscription of 1118 A.D. in front which states that this structure was built by the mother and wife of Gangaraja in 1118 A.D. The record was engraved ~ by Vardhamanachari alias Gangachari.

SAVATIGANDHAVARANA BASADI : King Vishnuvardhana's chief queen Santaladevi, who had the distinctive epithet 'Savatigandhavarini' ( a rutting elephant to the co­wives) caused a basadi to be built here and enshrined Santinatha (3' 4 ') seated on a lion throne in the year 1123 A.D. Though built by the chief queen of the most powerful Hoysala monarch, architecturally and artistically this basadi has an average quality workmanship. 'Garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' are the con­stituents of the plan. In the 'sukanasi' are the figures of Sarvahana and Ambika. The 'navaranga' pillars are ordinary and hardly possess the Hoysala elegance. There is also a simple pyramidal 'vimana' -tower to the temple, repaired subsequently.

TERINA BASADI : This has got its name because of the so called 'car-like' masonry stone platform or 'balipitha' in front of it. The plan contains a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' has the image of Bahubali of 5 feet high. The' car' in front of the basadi is called 'mandara'. Two classes of 'mandaras' are known in Jaina tradition viz., 'Nandisvara' and 'Meru'. This "car' belongs to the 'Meru' classHi.It contains the relievos of 52 Jinas alround. This was got carved by Machikabbe and Santikabbe mothers of Hoysala setty and Nemisetty respectively in the year 1117 A.D. The two sons named were the royal merchants of King Vishnuvardhana.

SANTISVARA BASADI : Built probably in 1117 A.D. by Hiri (elder) Echimayya son of Bammanna the elder brother of Gangaraja. Hiri Echimayya was also responsible for constructing the Aregal basadi at Jinanathapura. 'Garbhagriha' open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga' of 10 pillars, a 'mukhamandapa' are on the plan of this brick basadi. Architecturally this basadi is insignificant. It has the standing image of Santinatha (5' .2" high) which is interesting. The pedestal of the image has the relief of Indra and Sachi, his consort, on their way to consecrate the Tirthankara. Two attendant images of a later period are also found on the two sides. The 'sukanasi' has the usual images of Sarvahana Yaksha and Ambika Yakshi. The Dravidian tower of brick and mortar has lost its original features.

JINANATHAPURA : This village is situated adjacent to Sravanbelgola, north of Chikkabetta. Gangaraja, General of Vishnuvardhana is said to have founded this village in the beginning of XII century A.D. There are two basadis in this village. The first one is the Parsvanatha basadi or Aregal basadi caused to be constructed by Echa, elder brother of Gangaraja, in 1135 A.D. This is a very ordinary temple of the Hoysala style having a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The original image in the 'garbhagriha' is missing. Instead a Parsvanatha image was installed there in 1889 by one Bahubalayya. The temple also contains the loose sculptures of 24 Tirthankaras, Dharanendra, Padmavati, Panchaparamesthis, Navadevatas and Nandi brought from elsewhere.

SANTINATHA BASADI : This basadi situated to the west of the village is the main attraction of this place. This was cqused to be built by 'Vasudaikabandhava' Rechana, a minister of Ballala II in about 1200 A. D. This basadi is, perhaps, the most ornate basadis built in the classical Hoysala ornate style. Excepting the 'vimana'-tower all other components of this temple are preserved. The 'jagati', 'garbhagriha' of stellate plan, 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' are the components of this temple. The wall surface, though basically, rectangular contains many inde~tations. Regular decorations of pilasters, niches with turreted canopies, wall sculptures of average 3' height, meandering creeper scrolls running vertically in the interspaces of closely spaced pilasters are excellently imagined and executed. The subject matter of these figure sculptures, sparing the Tirthankaras, are dancers-male and female, in different poses, Gods and Goddesses, Yakshas and Yakshis, attendants, 'chauri' bearers. All these sculptures and decorative designs_are so beautifully and delicately carved that we find few parallels in the entire gamut of Hoysala sculptures.

In the design and decoration of the interiors also a similar degree of excellence is maintained. The lathe turned pillars of the 'navaranga', the domed ceilings, the wall niches and their turrets are all of superb quality workmanship. The 'garbhagriha' houses the standing image of Santinatha.

HALEBEEDU : Next group of Jaina monuments, built under the Hoysalas can be seen at Dorasamudra or Halebeedu, their capital seat. Here are three basad is built in a row towards the south of the Hoysalesvara temple. These basadis, almost identical in plan and surface treatment, are of Parsvanatha (1133 A. D.), Santinatha (1196 A. D.) and Adinatha (about the same period). The Parsvanatha basadi was constructed by Boppa son of Gangaraja, in 1133 A. D. In the same year son Narasimha was born to Vishnuvardhana. Hence, the king named this basadi as 'Vijaya Parsva'. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' houses a tall image of Parsvanatha (14 feet high) with a hooded serpant above his head. The wall surface is treated in a very simple way. The walls are plain with thin pilasters at regular intervals and are devoid of any other decorations. The pillars in the 'navaranga are excellently chiselled and polished. The two other basadis are almost identical to this basadi with minor variations.
HUMCHA : A small town in the Hosanagara taluk of Shimogga district. The other names of this place are, Pombuchcha, Patti-Pombuchcha, Hombuja etc. From the beginning of 8th century A. D. to 16fh century, this place was an active Jaina pilgrim centre. This was also the capital seat of the Santaras of Santalige-1000 province. There are many basad is here found in different stages of preservation. The earliest among them is datable to C 850 A. D. called Paliyakkana basadi, which no longer exists. The remains of Parsvanatha and Hale-basadis are still to be seen. Panchakuta basadi the largest among the basadis here was built in 1077 by Chattaladevi. This basadi is referred to in inscriptions as 'Urdhvitilaka'. In front of this structure is a tall ornate 'manastambha'. Five 'garbhagrihas', built on a common plinth arranged in a row to have a common 'navaranga' and 'mukhamandapa'. The original sculptures of Neminatha, Santinatha and Parsvanatha only are remaining in the 'garbhagrihas'. The basadi has undergone much repairs.
CHIKKA HANASOGE : This place was an important Jaina settlement since the time of the Gangas. After the Gangas, the Chengalvas patronised Jainism here. Adinatha basadi of this place, said to have been installed by Sri Rama was reconstructed by Vira Rajendra Nanni Chengalva Rajendra Chola, a feudatory of the Cholas in XI century A. D. This basadi is a 'Trikutachala' repaired and reconstructed in recent years. The structure is of granite. However, the ornate door frames and the sculptures there in are made out of chloritic schist. The three 'garbhagrihas' house Adinatha, Santinatha and Neminatha. All the 'garbhagrihas' have 'sukanasis' which open to a 'navaranga'. The superstructures on these 'garbhagrihas' are completely lost.

NITTURU : A town in Gubbi tal uk of Tumkur district has an ornate Santisvara basadi of the Hoysala period (c. 12th Century A. D.) .'Garbhagriha" 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' and 'mukhamandapa' are found in this temple. The treatment of the exterior is quite ornate having a moulded 'adhisthana', pilastered wall, niches with turrents, and other floral patterns. The design of the pillars of the 'navaranga' are varied and attractive. The 'bhuvanesvaris' are deep and contain notable decorations. The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of Santinatha.

ARASIKERE : Sahasrakuta Jinalaya of this town is a beautiful Jaina basadi of soap stone built by Dandanayaka Rechimayya, a general of Hoysala king Ballala II in the year 1220 A.D. The sculptor who supervised the work was Namojal7. The plan of the basadi consists of a large 'garbhagriha' with 4 pillars, a 'sukanasi' with three doorways opening to the three bays of the 'navaranga', a 'navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. The 'navaranga' is the most attractive part of the entire scheme. The four central pillars and the nine 'bhuvanesvaris' are of typical Hoysala workmanship. Particularly noteworthy is the central 'bhuvanesvari' which is in the form of a huge inverted lotus flower. The other' bhuvanesvaris' have, besides the usual decorations, unidentified narrative friezes. The 'garbhagriha' in the centre has a 'Sahastrakuta Jina bimba' containing 1008 tiny representations of Jinas carved on a monolithic conventional architectural model. This 'bimba' is inscribed 18 and records that it was installed by Recharasa in 1220 A.D. eminent councillor of Kalachuri dynasty, taking refuge under Ballala II.
The basadi has undergone much repairs. Most parts of the external wall surface is rebuilt. The tower of the basadi is missing.

III-LATER PERIOD (VIJAYANAGAR AND LATER PERIODS)Jainism which enjoyed a highly respectable status under the liberal patron­age of the Hoysalas suffered a set back during the beginning of the Vijayanagara rule. This was apparently due to the sudden emergence of Veerasaivism on the one side and Sri Vaishnavism on the other, which wielded considerable influence on the ruling families of Vijayanagar. However, the cosmopolitan outlook of some of the Vijayanagar rulers helped to maintain religious hormony in the empire sometimes, through personal interference of the kings, to settle the religious conflicts. Inspite of the religious vicissitudes that the Jains experienced, there was no dearth for their creative productions in the field of fine arts. Jaina received support and patronage of people and rulers alike, many new basad is were constructed, many got repaired and received liberal grants. Thus there seems to have been no threat for the peaceful co-existence of this religion under the Vijayanagar kings in southern Karnataka.

There are several inscriptional references for the construction of new Jaina basadis in this region. Besides these the construction of many more basadis have gone unrecorded or unnoticed. The Vijayanagar feudatories like Kongalvas, Changalvas, Gerusoppe rulers, the various mahaprabhus, nayakas, Wodeyars etc., also patronised Jainism liberally, even after the collapse of the central power at Hampi.

Now coming to the study of the Jaina basadis of the Vijayanagar period, it is to be mentioned again here that the general style of architecture of the basadis was in no way dissimilar to the architectural style of the Brahmanical creed. For the understanding of the configuration of the typical Jaina basadis of Vijayanagar period, we may take the plan of the existing Ganagitti Jinalaya at Kamalapura near Hampi. It consists of a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a '.angamandapa', a second 'rangamandapa' and a 'mukhamandapa' all arranged on one axis. The second 'rangamandapa' consists of three doorways, on its three sides. Of them one leads to a 'garbhagriha' on one side and the other two open to the porches. Similarly planned basad is are found at Anegondi and Hampi, thus indicating the fancy of the builders and the people for this type of basadis. All these basadis have a pyramidal 'phamsana' veriety of 'vimana' -towers.
However, this type was not suitable for basadis in coastal Karnataka. Due to the heavy rainfall that this region received annually, the structures were built to withstand the torrential rains. Hence over the regular strong frame work and ceiling of the structure, another storey, generally not funtional, having a lesser height was built, often over a wooden frame work. This was covered by a tiled roof or metal sheets or overlapping stone slabs. Good examples of this are found almost all over south Canara district. In the plan of the structure generally a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga', a colonnaded verandah alround serving as a 'pradakshina patha' as well as a porch to prevent the rain from lashing the structure.

Of the Jaina monuments the Ganagitti Jinalaya is perhaps the most complete among the Jaina basadis of the capital. The plan of the structure has already been described. This was constructed in the year 1385 by Iruga, minister of Bukka II, in the reign of Harihara II. The inscription mentions this basadi as 'Kunthu Jinalaya'. The front doorway has a small seated Jina under triple umbrella, is the 'lalata bimba'. Also the brick and mortar parapet in front has similar mutilated stucco Jinas. Rest of the structure is devoid of any decorative carvings.
During the Vijayanagar period, Sravanabelgola, also received royal atten­tion. The Mangayi basadi of C. 1325 A. D. constructed by a lady of that name consists of a 'garbhagriha' a 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The 'navaranga' has the standing image of Parsvanatha donated by Bhimadevi, queen of Devaraya I (1406­22 A. D.) and a lay disciple of Panditacharya. The monuments of Sravanabelgola of this period on the large hill are Chauvisa Tirthankara basadi (1648 A. D.), Odegal basadi (14th Century A. D.), Chennanna basadi (C.1667 A. D.), Siddhara basadi (C.17-18th Century), Wodeyar mandapa (1634 A. D.) etc.

The best and well preserved Jaina monuments of this period are located in the South Canara district, where a number of beautiful and aesthetically superior and architecturally significant basadis, monolithic Bahubali statues and 'Manastambhas' are available in good numbers. Jainism in this region of Karnataka has a remote antiquity. However. Jainism became a dominant religion only during the late Hoysala and Vijayanagar periods. Popularity and domination of the Vaishnava and Veerasaiva creeds in the Deccan plateau was perhaps, responsible for the migration of JaiDs from the table land to this coastal plains, which place, perhaps, they found more suitable to pursue their religious life without the interference of other dominant religious sects.

Amongst the important Jaina structures of South Canara the Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi at Mudabidre, Chaumukha basadi at Karkala, Santisvara basadi at Venur etc., deserve special attention.

MUDABIDRE : Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi at Mudabidre is the largest of the Jaina basad is of South Canara district. It was built in 1429-30 by the emperor Devaraya II (1446-67). Built inside a double enclosure, this structure has a 'garbhagriha' and three'rangamandapas'. all arranged on the same axis. The halls are named Tirthankaramandapa. Gaddiga mandapa and Chitramandapa. There is also a detatched pavilion in front of the basadi called Bhairadevi mandapa. This was built in the year 1451-52 during the reign of king Devaraya by Gopanna Odeyar.

The interior of the halls of these 'mandapas' contain good number of pillars which are known for their exquisite carvings and versatality of decorative designs. Each pillar in design and decoration, is different from the other and no two pillars appear the same in decoration. There are also friezes of sculptures running alround, identified as scenes from the Jaina Puranas.
KARKALA : Situated about fifteen Kms. from Mudabidre this place is known for its tall monolithic statue of Bahuball, and few Jaina basadis. The Chaumukh or Chaturmukh basadi built in 1587 A.D. is an architecturally interesting structure. The square sanctum has four doorways opening to four directions, and surrounded by a pillared verandah with projecting porches on all the four sides. Each of the doorways of the 'garbhagriha' opens to a row of three Jinas viz., Aranatha, Mallinatha and Munisuvrata the 18th, 19th, and 20th Tirthankaras respectively. All the four sets of idols are carved in blackstone and are identical in size and carvings. The roof of the sanctum is flat, formed of stone slabs the joints of which are covered by stone ribs. The verandah has a sloped roof alround formed of overlapping stone slabs.

VENUR : This place is situated about 20 Kms. from Mudabidre where a few jaina basad is important for their structural specialities are built. Santisvara basadi here, dated 1489 A. D. is a temple built completely out of stone, having a second storey, smaller in size, containing a cella, housing the image of a Jina. This method of building functional cellas over the' garbhagriha' is an age-old practice of Jains in Karnataka as evidenced by the Meguti temple at Aihole and Chavundaraya basadi at Sravanabelgola. This Santisvara basadi also has a beautiful, 'manastambha' in front.

BHATKAL : The Chandranathesvara basadi here is a structure noteworthy for its plan and elevation. The temple faces east. It consists of two structural blocks, eastern and western, both connected by a small porch. The western block has the shrine and two halls built parallelly across the axis of the temple. The halls are provided with perforated screens. This block also has an upper storey covered by a pyramidal roof formed of overlapping stone slabs.

The eastern block which is constructed like a 'dwaramandapa' for the temple, contains in the middle a broad gateway. Built on a moulded stone plinth, it has the wall surface relieved with engaged pillars to support the huge stone beams of the roof. The flat roof with sloped sides is formed of overlapping slabs. There is also a rectangular storey for this block, which also has engaged pillars at regular intervals supporting architraves. The interspaces of the engaged pillars are filled by a wall of laterite bricks. The upper storey is covered by a flat roof of stone slabs with rib-stones covering the joints, and a sloped 'kapota' alround. Perhaps, this is one of the attempts of the architects of this region to provide a suitable 'dwaramandapa' on the lines of the Dravidian 'gopura', which not only suits the surrounding architectural pattern, but also can withstand the torrential rains of the region.

'MANASTAMBHAS'To the class of Jaina monuments of southern Karnataka may be added the colossal 'manastambhas' (huge masonry columns) that are erected in front of the Jaina basadis. They are the counterparts of the Hindu 'Dhvajastambhas' in front of temples like 'Garuda Kambha' and 'Nandi Kambha'. The 'manastambhas' generally consist of three parts viz., a moulded platform, to suit the size of the pillar, monolithic shaft, and the capital or 'Makuta', the crowning member. The platform is masonry in nature, moulded with attractive forms and also sometimes decorated with relievos. The shaft is made of a single stone and designed suitably. The height of the shaft varies from place to place. The shaft carries the capital, abacus and the crowning member. Here the skill and imagination of the artist really makes the difference. Starting from ordinary capital and abacus type to most complicated and ornate crowning members are found carved here. From an ordinary seated sculpture to turreted 'mandapas' with delicate carvings have been found placed on these 'manastambhas'. Four Jinas facing four directions called 'Chaumukha Jinas', are generally placed in these pavilions. Yakshas may sometimes replace the Jinas, but Yakshis are never placed here.

The best specimens of 'manastambhas' considered as frieaks of architectural skill and taste of the Jaina artists can be seen at Sravanabelgola, Kambadahalli, Halebeedu, Humcha, Hiriyangadi, Karkala, Mudabidre, Mulki and other places in southern Karnataka.

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