Malkhed fort to get a facelift

Karnatka:

The State Government has for the first time initiated measures to protect and develop the historic fort at Malkhed in Sedam taluk of Gulbarga district.

Malkhed was known in the past as Manyakheta, the capital of the erstwhile Rashtrakuta Empire. A team of experts from Bangalore-based architects and consultants Saolapurkar & Associates visited the fort a few days ago to prepare a project report for the protection of the monument and for giving it a facelift.

Official sources told The Hindu here that based on a proposal submitted by the Hyderabad Karnataka Area Development Board (HKADB), the State Government had asked the consultants to send a team to prepare a report on the action required to protect the fort and its surroundings, and suggest methods for proper maintenance.

Malkhed had a glorious past under the Rashtrakuta dynasty, particularly under the emperor Amoghavarsha Nrupatunga, who ruled for 64 years and penned the first classical Kannada work, Kavirajamarga. Malkhed was the capital of the Rashtrakuta Empire from 814 A.D. to 968 A.D. Amoghavarsha and scholars such as mathematician Mahaveeracharya, and intellectuals Jinasenacharya, Ajitasenacharya and Gunabhadracharya helped to spread Jainism in the region.

Malkhed also houses the famous ‘brindavan' of Madhva seer Jayatirtha (given the title of Teekacharya) at the Uttaradi Math. Jayatirtha, a favourite disciple of Akshobhya Tirtha, who was also one of the four disciples of Madhvacharya, had converted Malkhed into the centre of Madhva study and had acquired great fame as a commentator on the works of Madhvacharya.

Every year during the month of ‘Ashada', the Aradhana Mahotsava of Jayatirtha is held at Malkhed. People from across the country participate.

The HKADB had submitted a proposal for the overall development of Malkhed at a cost of Rs. 4.95 crore, which included construction of guest houses, approach roads to the fort, lighting and a library, and renovation of Jain temples.

Courtesy: The Hindu

The Bengluru Inscription

Meera Aiyar

One particular inscription in Begur’s temple is of special significance to Bangalore, for it contains the earliest known use of the name Bengaluru. To her dismay (mingled with a sense of relief), Meera Iyer found the inscription hidden behind paint and oil drums, serving as a stone on which to dry dirty rags.

Of all the settlements that the growing city of Bangalore has subsumed, perhaps none has such a sentimental association with Bangalore as does Begur. Almost anyone in Bangalore has heard the story about how the city got its name from benda kaalu ooru, the city of boiled beans, from the time when Hoysala king Veera Ballala was fed boiled beans by an old woman. But historians agree that this popular story is apocryphal. For evidence, look no further than Begur.

Located between Hosur Road and Bannerghatta Road, Begur has a history going back at least 1500 years: an inscription from the reign of the illustrious sixth-century Ganga king, Durvinita, mentions this settlement, then known as Bempur, Bempurishvara-sthana and Veppur. From at least then onwards, Begur seems to have been an important township of the Ganga kingdom and of subsequent dynasties.

The fort still stands...
One of Begur’s oldest remnants of the past is its fort. If grand edifices like Chitradurga Fort fall at one end of the spectrum, Begur’s fort is definitely at the other end. It is a small, circular structure with a 15-20 foot-high mud wall now completely covered with vegetation. There are also traces of a moat and bastions. A small stone gateway leads into the pocket-sized fort. Inside are two old temples (said to be about 800 years old), a well and little else. Yet the unprepossessing fort has a definite appeal, for who can resist the allure of a quiet nook where chieftains, rulers and saints once lived, where today only goats and cows graze? It was left completely to our imagination to people the fort with royal personages and their paraphernalia including palaces, granaries and armouries.

Records of the late 1800s refer to today’s stone entrance as the second gate. Was the first gate a grander, more impressive structure, we wondered? Do the remnants of the stone walls outside the gate imply the fort once had rubble-filled stone walls?

Jain heritage
Three inscriptions dating from the early 900s that were once found at the fort’s entrance reveal Begur’s strong Jain traditions. Two mentioned Jaina acharyas while the third recorded the passing away of the daughter of the chieftain Nagattara, when she died through sallekhana, the Jain ritual of fasting to death. Unfortunately, we could find only one of these inscriptions, and no traces of the other two.

Jainism had a strong presence in Begur even until the 15th century, when there was a Jain basadi here called the Chokkinayya Jinalaya. We asked around the town for directions to the old basadi, and after some blank looks and mis-directions, eventually found it.

Some years ago, this site lay in the middle of a field. Today, it is hemmed in by a garden and a row of small new houses. Little remains of the basadi – an inscription, fragments of a stone frieze, a small statue of Parsvanath and a large headless statue of a seated tirthankara, referred to as Shravanappa. Although the statue looked abandoned, surrounded as it was by a lush growth of grass, residents of the houses adjacent to the statue told us that people occasionally still came there to worship.

A complex of temples
Begur’s most famous monument is its Panchaligeshvara temple, a complex of five Shiva temples. Of these, the Nageshvara temple is the oldest, dating to about 1100 years ago. The temple shows some of the features typical of Ganga temples of that period, including the ashtadikpalakas (guardians of the directions) carved on the ceiling and the rows of swans carved on the outside of the structure. The remaining four shrines – Nagareshvara, Karneshvara, Choleshvara and Kalikamateshvara – were added on during the reign of the Cholas here.
The temple abounds in inscriptions, some on the walls dating from the 1100s to the 1300s, others in the temple compound, dating to much earlier. An especially elaborate hero-stone from here, in memory of the chieftain Nagattara’s death in a battle in about 890 AD, was moved to the Bangalore Museum in the 1800s and can still be seen there. One particular inscription in the temple is of special significance to Bangalore, for it contains the earliest known use of the name Bengaluru. In 1915, this hero-stone written in Hale Kannada (old Kannada), was found embedded in the floor of the Kalikamateshvara shrine and mentions the death of Nagattara’s son Buttana-setti and of his ‘house-son’ Pervona-setti in the battle of Bengaluru. Dating to about 900 AD, this effectively invests Bangalore with a fairly ancient past.

We went looking for this inscription but, of course, the temple’s old floor has long been replaced by modern flooring. Thankfully, we learned that the inscription was removed from the floor and stored in the temple compound. But we had not contended with the further changes afoot at Begur. Frenetic construction activity is on at the Panchalingeshvara temple. Some developers have undertaken to add four large raja-gopuras to the little temple. A new road cuts across a portion of the vast Begur lake, which in historical times, would have been used to irrigate temple and village lands.

A gopura is now being constructed between the temple and the lake. Three more are under construction on the other three sides. Though we are not the first generation to add to the temple, I couldn’t help but wonder if our additions were adding to the charming ambience of the temple, or taking away from it.

Inscriptions, anyone?
We found to our dismay that, in the course of being moved during construction, some of the inscriptions in the temple compound had been broken. Several were lined up against a fence, partly hidden behind a row of empty drums of paint and oil. No one at the temple knew anything about the inscription we were looking for, and indeed, no one seemed to care. We despaired of ever finding the inscription we were looking for. But finally, a phone call to expert epigraphist H S Gopala Rao, General Secretary, Karnataka Itihasa Academy, rescued us and set our minds at ease.

Still there...
As he described the important stone, we realised, to our immense relief, that the historic Bengaluru inscription had not been broken. It was hidden behind the drums, serving as a handy stone on which to dry dirty rags.

Jainism in Karnataka

By nkgrock

Jainism has been a small, but one of the most influential religious tradition in India. It has been a major cultural, philosophical, social, and political force since dawn of civilization in India. Jainism is often referred to as Jain Dharma or Shraman Dharma or the religion of Nirgantha by ancient texts. It is one of the oldest Shramana traditions, that is Ascetic tradition still surviving in India. Today, with 4 million population (2001 census), Jains are spread throughout India. They are present prominently in Gujarat, Maharashtra and Rajasthan. Karnataka, Madya Pradesh and Bundelkhand have considerable population of Jains.

The beginning of Jainism in Karnataka has been a matter of speculation. Legend has it that Mahavira visited Karnataka and initiated King Jivandhara of Hemanagada country of the Kuntala (Karnataka) region and this probably accounts for the early beginnings of Jainism in Karnataka.

The advent of Jainism in Karnataka is assigned to 4th century BC by a well-known Jaina tradition. It states that, Badrabhahu, of the line of pontiffs started by Mahavira and his royal disciple Chandragupta Maurya, migrated to South along with many followers due to famine in north and settled in Shravana-Belagola and breath their last in Chandragiri, by Sallekhana(Death by Fasting).

Chandragupta Basadi at Shravana-Belagola though a latter day structure, bears its connections with the tradition. But, unfortunately no epigraphic or literary evidence is available to corroborate this Bhadrabahu-Chandragupta tradition. The first mention of this tradition is found in Shravana-Belagola epigraph of 7th century. “Brhatkhosha” of Harisena of 931 AD also mentions of this tradition. Narasimhachar, who has examined the sources in detail, believes that, this tradition has some basis to stand.(1)

Historically, Jainism received huge patronage at hands of Karnataka Kings, royal families, merchants and even common men. Large number of monuments present throughout the state is the visible examples of Jain influence. A large number of epigraphical references also exist mentioning about patronage and grants received from Kings and Queens to Jain faith. Apart from this, contribution of Jains for Kannada literature too is immense.

Political position of Jainism under Karnataka Kings:
Beginning from time of Kadambas of Banavasi, until Vijayanagara period, Jainism received generous grants from Kannada monarchs.

Kadambas of Banavasi (345-525CE): The earliest grant from Kadambas comes from the time of Mrigesavarman(his fourth regnal year)(2). The copper plate mentions the grant of an entire village for the benefits of Jain Gods (Bhagavat, Arhat and Mahajinendra). He also gave thirty-three Nivartanas of land (in modern Halsi in Belguam) to Yapaniyas (Jainas) (3). The same copper plate also states that, Jaina ascetics must be fed during rainy seasons. Kadambas have to their credit of inaugurating the tradition of grants to Jainas.

The Gangas of Talkad (350-1000 CE): Tradition connects origin of Gangas to a Jaina teacher Simhanandi. Shripurusha gave Devanahalli grant to Jinalaya and Narasimharajapura grant to a Jaina Caityalaya.(4) Prithvipati Ist’s Billur grant records the gift of twelve villages on the banks of Lakshmanathirtha to Satyavakya Jinaalaya at Pannekadanga.(5)

There are many inscriptions showing huge grants made by Rachamalla IV, and his minister Chavundaraaya.

Chalukyas of Badami(6th century): In spite of being staunch Hindus, they extended patronage to Jainas. The existence pf a Jaina cave by side of Vaishnava cave at Badami, is the best example of tolerance of Chalukyas. During the period of Kirthivarma II, Kaliyamma built a Jinalaya at Annigeri. (6) Sendraka Durgasakti donated lands to Sankha-Jinalaya at Puligere(7). Vijayaditya gave away village Seribaluru near Laksmeshwar.

The Rashtrakutas(8th century) and Chalukyas of Kalyana(12th century):
Altekar characterizes the age of Rashtrakutas as the most flourishing period in history of Jainism in Deccan. Amoghavarsha I was more a Jaina than a Hindu (8). Many of officers of Rashtrakutas were Jainas. The Rattas of Saundatti were staunch supporters of Jainism. Altekar estimates that at least one third of total populations of Deccan during this period were Jainas(9).

Chalukyas of Kalyana patronized all religions. Taila, the founder of Chalukya dynasty was patron of great poet Ranna(who was a Jaina). Satyashraya has a Jaina teacher as Rajguru. Attimabbe constructed many basadis. King gave golden Kalasha to one such basadi at Lokkigundi (10). Shantinatha, a minister of Someshwara II built Mallikamoda Shantinatha basadi at Baligrama (11)

The Hoysalas(10th-14th century): Hoysalas are traditionally connected with Jainism since origin. Sala, himself was a Jain. Ereyanga is said to have made many grants at Belagola. Vinayaditya II built large number of Jaina shrines. According to Belur inscription, Vishnuvardhana received prasadam of God Vijaya Parshwa from Jinalaya and made provision for performance of ceromonies of Vijaya Parshwa and 24 Thirthankaras. His wife Shantaladevi is described as jewel of Jainism (12). Many of his generals including Mariyane Dandanayaka, Punisa and Boppa were all Jains. These disprove the allegation that Vishnuvardhana after his conversion to Vaishnavism ignored Jainas. Narasimha I though a Vaishnavite made grants to Sravanabelagola. Ballala II built Nagara Jinalaya at Dorasamudra. Patronage to Jainism continued in the days of Narasimha and Ramanatha.

Vijayanagara Period (1336-1646 CE): With establishment of Vijayanagara kingdom, emphasis was more on Hinduism and Jainism received great setback. Yet, Jainas received some grants. Harihara II patronized Jaina ministers. He also constructed Kuntha Jinaalaya at Vijayanagara (13). Shravanabelagola inscription of 1442 mentions grants for Gommateshwara.

These show that Jainas enjoyed patronage from Kings and were a dominant political force in Karnataka.

Jainism and Veerashaivism:
A cursory look into the philosophies of Jainas and Veerashaivas (their scriptures, Agamas,mythology etc) shows the commona concepts like Avidya, Acharanga, Karmikamala, Dyana, Paapa-Punya, Doctrines of Karma etc. Veerashaivas use Lingam as external symbol and Jainas wear Upasakasutra as external symbol.

For example, Jinasenacharya declares in Mahapurana- “Ahimsa Paramo Dharmaha, Ahimsa Lakshanam Dharmam”(Ahimsa is highest Dharma, and Ahimsa is indicative of Dharma). Similarly, Basava says in one of his vachanas “Dayavillada Dharmadavudidayya”(No Dharma without Compassion).

Vattakeracharya recommends Himsaviratti(Non-violence), Brahmacharya(celibacy), Amrashavada(good speech), Asteya(non-stealing) in his book Mulachara.

Similarly, Veerashaiva vachanas say “Kala Beda, Kolabeda, Husiya Nudiya beda”(Don’t steal, Don’t kill, Don’t lie).

Further, Jaina concepts of Samyagdharshana, Jnana and Chariya are the Samayagdharshanas of Veerashaivas also. The Veerashaiva Pancha Acharas viz., Shivachara, Gaachara etc agree with Jaina Pancha acharas viz., Darshanachara, Jnanachara etc (14). These illustrate the commonality between different indigenous philosophical streams.

Kannada Literature:
Kannada literature is often classified into Jaina, Vaishnava and Veerashaiva literatures recognizing the prominence of these three faiths in giving form to, and fostering, classical expression of the language (15). Starting with the Kavirajamarga (c. 850), and until the middle of the 12th century, literature in Kannada was almost exclusively composed by the Jains, who found eager patrons in the Chalukya, Ganga, Rashtrakuta and Hoysala kings (16). Jainas dominated Kannada literature till 12th century.

The earliest existing prose piece in old Kannada is a Jain text Vaddaradhane ("Worship of Elders", 9th century) by Shivakotiacharya(17).Jain writers Adikavi Pampa, Sri Ponna and Ranna, collectively called the "three gems of Kannada literature"

Architecture:
Jain contribution to Architecture is immense. The monolith statue of 60 feet, the famous Gomateshwara statue, in Shravanabelagola is the living example of Jain contribution to architecture and scupture. Shravanabelagola, Chandragiri, Indragiri, Moodabidiri, Karkala, Dharmasthala, Venur, Gerosoppa, Hadolli, Bilgi, Lakkundi, are some of the important centers of Jain monuments in Karnataka.

The earliest references to Jaina monuments are found in Halasi and Devagiri inscriptions of Kadamba period. According to Gudnapur inscription Kadamba King Ravivarma built a temple, kamajinalaya for Manmatha. Ganga minister and commander Chamundaraya in honour of Lord Bahubali built it. Badami Chalukyas built a cave temple dedicated to Adinatha Thirthankara. Another Jaina cave is in Aihole. Structural temples built by them include-Meguti Jinalaya at Aihole and the jinalaya built by Kumkuma Mahadevi at Lakshmesvar.

The Jaina monuments of the Rashtrakutas period are found at Pattadakal, Malkhed, Lakshmeshwar, Koppal and Bankura, of North Karnataka. The Neminatha basadi at Malkhed, the capital of the Rashtrakutas belongs to ninth century A. D. Jaina temple at Naregal is the biggest Rashtrakuta temple in Karnataka. It was built during the period of Krishna III, by Padmabbarasi, the queen of Ganga Permadi Bhutayya in 950 A.D. Similarly many Jinalayas were built by Kalyani Chalukyas too including Brahma Jinalaya at Lakkundi and Sankha Jinalya at Lakshmeshwar. Chaturmukha basadi, Neminatha basadi, Vardhamana basadi and two Parsvanatha basadis located at Gerusoppa are important jain monuments built During Vijayanagara period.

These show, the enormous contribution of Jainas in every aspect of life of Karnataka people.

References-
1-Epigraphia Carnatica, Sacred Books.
2-Indian Antiquary, Vol. 7, mentioned in Karnaraka Kings and Jainism, Dr. A.V.Narasumha Murthy
3-Ibid,
4-Ibid, Vol. 2, mentioned in Karnaraka Kings and Jainism, Dr. A.V.Narasumha Murthy
5-Epigraphia Carnatica, Vol. 1
6-Epigraphia Indica, Vol.32
7-Karnaraka Kings and Jainism, Dr. A.V.Narasumha Murthy
8-South Indian Inscriptions, Vol.11
9-Shikripur 136, mentioned in Karnaraka Kings and Jainism, Dr. A.V.Narasumha Murthy
10-Soraba inscriptions.
11-South Indian Inscriptions, Vol. 9
12-Jainism and Veerashaivism, Dr.G.Marulasiddaiah
13-Narasimhacharya (1934)
14-Sastri (1955)

The Schisms in Jain Tradition

A. K. Roy

THE FIRST SEVEN SCHISMSThe main schisms of the Jaina Church was the one between the Shvetambaras and the Digambaras. The Shvetambaras believe that even before this schism, there had been seven other schisms. These schisms had started when certain important leaders had then taken away their followers and established what one might call separate sects. However, these schisms had little permanent effects, for the newly born sects had either disappeared or had joined the main Church again on the death of their leaders. The seven schisms have been all described together in Avashyaka Niryukti, VII, 56-100. (The Digambaras do not know of these seven schisms at all).

The first of these schisms, as we have already seen, happened during the life of Mohair himself. Its leader was his own son-in-law Jamali. Jamali broke away with his followers from Mahavira, fourteen years after the latter had attained omniscience. the point on which Jamali differed from Mohair would appear to an outsider to be mere quibble.

The second schism was started by Tissagutta in Rajagriha. This happened also during the life time of Mohair and only two years after Jamali's schism. Tissagutta's followers were called Jivapaesiyas. They controverted Mahavira's view that the soul is permeated in all the atoms of the body.

The third schism was led by Asadha at Seyaviya, 214 years after the death of Mohair. Asadha's followers were called Avattiyas, and they held that there was no difference between gods, saints, kings and other beings.

The fourth schism was started by Assamitta in Mihila 220 years after Mahavira's death. Assamitta was a disciple of Kodinna who was a disciple of Mahagiri. Assamitta's followers were called Samuchcheyas and they held that since the end of all life will come some day, the effects of good or bad deeds are immaterial.

The fifth schism was started by Ganga at Kullakatiriya, 228, years after the death of Mohair. Ganga was a disciple of Dhanagutta, another disciple of Mahagiri. His followers were called Dokiriyas, and they held that two opposite feelings such as cold and warmth could be experienced at the same time.
The sixth schism arose in Antaranjiya and was started by Sadulaya, otherwise known as Rohagutta, 544 years after the death of Mohair. Sadulaya is said to have been the author of the Vaisheshika sutra. His followers were called Terasiyas and they held that between life and non-life there is a third state 'no-jiva'. According to the kalpa-sutra, the Terasiya sect was founded by Rohagutta a disciple of Mahagiri.

The seventh schism was led by Gottamahila at Dashapura, 584 years after Mahavira's death. His followers were called Abaddhiyas and they asserted that jiva was not bounded by karman.

No trace of these seven schisms is now left in the Jaina religion.

The Eighth Schism - Digambaras and Shvetambaras
the Jaina community is divided into two sects Digambara and Shvetambara. Both the sects have exactly the same religious and philosophical beliefs and practically the same mythology. The only noticeable difference is the mythology of the two sects is regarding the sex of the ninetieth tirthankara Malli. The Shvetambaras believe that Malli was a Woman, while Digambaras think that Malli was a man. This difference of opinion about Malli arises out of the few differences in the beliefs of the two sects. The Digambaras think that it is not possible for a woman to achieve salvation and as all trithankaras do achieve salvation, the nineteenth trithankara could not have been a woman. Another difference between the two sects is that the Digambaras think that all Jaina ascetics should follow the example of Mohair and remain nude, while the Shvetambaras think that the practice of remaining nude known as jinakalpa was given up by the great teachers of the Church within a few generations after Mohair and they had started wearing white garments. This practice was known as sthavirakalpa. The present - day ascetics according to the Shvetambaras need to follow only these great teachers (sthaviras), and it was not necessary to practice the jinakalpa. The third point on which the two sects differ regarding the food of the kevali. The Digambaras maintain that a kevali does not need any intake of food while the Shvetambaras think that they do. The point is academic, both the sects are unanimous that nobody is going to become a kevali in the foreseeable future.

Digambaras also deny two of the Shvetambara beliefs about Mahavira, that Mahavira's embryo was taken from the womb of the Brahamana woman Devananda and transferred to the womb of Trishala, and also that Mahavira had married and had a daughter. (Other minor difference between these two communities are given later).

It will be noticed that these and similar other differences are of a minor nature and do not affect the main tenets of the religion which were essentially same for both the sects. On the other hand these differences minor though they might be have cleaved the Jaina community into two distinct groups with practically no inter-mixing on the religious or even social plane ; for even inter-marriage between the two sects is not ordinarily permissible. This was because the two communities have necessarily their own temples the Digambaras having the images of the tirthankaras nude and the Shvetambaras clothed. Due to some reasons mentioned later the Digambaras refuse to recognize the canonical books of the Shvetambaras, and have their own texts.

Thus we see that the two sects swearing allegiance to Mahavira and his teachings behave in their practical religious life as two different societies. How a community with the same religious philosophy started behaving at some point of time as two distinct communities is not clearly known. The early religious literature of both the sects is practically silent on this point. It is thus possible to conjecture that the Church was undivided in the beginning the more orthodox one among the monks practicing nudity and the others not discarding clothes. Perhaps nudity was optional in the beginning it became later the fixed manner of all those who adopted it considering it to be the orthodox way of Jainism. the Separation of the Digambaras and shvetambaras according to this thinking was thus a gradual process and there was no point of the time when there was any actual schism. This appears to be a plausible theory.

A slight modification of this theory would be that Hemachandra was wrong, and the jinkaplika was never given up. One group of Jaina ascetics continued to practice it throughout, and this group was later called Diagmbara. The great scholar of Jainism Hoernle has argued in his essay on the ajivikas in the Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics that originally the Digambaras were those Ajivika who were unhappy at he behavior of their leaders Makkhali Goshala at he time of his death. After leaving his sect they had joined Mahavira and had become the latter's follower. Thus the Digambaras as a group were separate form the time of Mahavira himself. Horernle's conjecture is based mainly on two grounds. Firstly not only did the Ajivikas practice strict nudity but also a few of their customs resembled those of Digambara monks to some extent. On this latter point Hoernle has cited some instance which do not seem to be bore out by facts. For instance Hoernle says that Ajivikas used to carry a stick and so do the Digambra monks now a days. As a matter of fact Shvetambara monk who may carry a stick and not a Digambara monk who can have practically no earthly possession. The second point on which Hoernle bases his arguments is that many ancient authors and lexicographers have confused the Ajivikas with the Digambaras.

The Jaianas themselves both Shvetambaras and Digambaras have there own versions as how the schism between them occurred. These appear in their later books composed long after the alleged occurrences. As stated earlier these are mere legends and cannot be verified as history. The Shvetambara version is given in Avashyakabhashya a work of about 500 A.D. The Legend is as follows:
A person called Shivabhuti who had founded a sect called the Bodiya in the city of Rathvirapura. The occasion for doing this arose in this manner:

Shivabhuti had won many battles for his king and the latter showered honors on him. Naturally, Shivabhuti became very proud and used to return home late at night. His mother on the complaint of her daughter-in-law refused to open the door one night and asked him to go to the place the door of which was likely to find open. getting wild Shivabhuti entered such a place which, however, turned out to be monastery. He asked the head priest to initiate him but the priest refused to do so, whereupon Shivabhuti himself plucked out his hair and wandered as a monk.

After some time this self-imitated monk Shivabhuti happened to come to the same place. The king his former friend sent him a costly garment as a gift.
Shivabhuti's superior protested and disallowed him to use such a garment. When Shivabhuti did not listen to his advice the teacher tore off that garment and used it as a mattress. Getting wild and excited Shivabhuti gave up all clothing.

(A slightly different version of this says that the occasion for it arose when once, his teacher, expounding the texts to class came up against the following alluding to a special stage of Jinakalpa.

"Jinakalpias were of two kinds. Some of them might have the necessary requisites, and others not. On hearing it Shivabhuti asked his teacher.; 'While there is the system of Jinakalpa why should be there be the bondage of clothes? A monk following jinakapla and living in solitude should following the principles of austerity, including nudity". The teacher tried to bring him round but Shivabhuti would not be persuaded and gave up all clothing. Thus created schism in the community).

His sister Uttara also followed him and she also became naked. But when the courtesans of the city complained that nobody would go the them seeing the ugly nature 9of the female body, Shivabhuti disallowed his sister to accept nudity. Thus nudity was started by the Bodiyas under Shivabhuti. The Bodiyas presumably were later called the Digambaras. This the eighth schism according to the Shvetambaras occurred on 609 A.D. or A.D. 83

The Digambara version of how the Shvetambaras broke away form the main Church which the Digambaras call the Mulasangha is completely different. It was recorded much later. The first record is found in Harisena's Brihakatakosa of A.D. 931. This is as follows :

In the reign of Chandragupta Marurya Bhadrabahu had predicted a terrible famine in the country of Magadha, for a period of 12 years. Hence a part of the community migrated to South India under his leadership, while the rest remained in Magadha.

When after some time the leaders met together in Ujjayini the famine was still there and hence they allowed the monks to wear a piece of cloth to hide shame while on the begging tour. But even when the famine was over these minks refused to give up the use of the piece of cloth. The conservative elements protested against this. And thus these Ardhaphalakas proved to be the forerunner of the Shvetambara sect.

The final separation came later due to Chandralekha queen of king Lokpala of Valabhipura. It is related that these Ardhaphalaka monks were invited by her ; but seeing them neither clothed nor naked the king was disappointed and the queen therefore asked them to dress completely. Therefore the Ardhaphalakas began to put on white clothes and came to be called Shvetapatas. This happened in A.D. 80.

(There is a reference to a Svhetapapa community in a grant issued in the the fourth regal year by the Kadamba king Mrigeshavarma. The grant of a village was made to a community of Jainas living in the city of Vaijayanti. The village was divided into three shares the first to the holy Arhat the Second to the eminent ascetics called Shvetapapas, who were intent on practicing the true religion and the third for the eminent ascetics called Nirgaranthas. Thus the Shvetapatas and Nirganthas in this city in Karnataka worshipping the same image of Arhat in a temple. Whether the Shvetapapas referred to in the inscription and the Shvetapatas sect referred to in the above Digambara legend were the same is not known).

There is a serious weakness in this Digambara version : It is not supported by the earliest Digambara epigraph that mentions famine. This epigraph, at Shravana Belogola, says that Bhadrabahu had predicted the famine in Ujjayini and not in Magadha; moreover he himself is not recorded to have accompanied the community to South India. Thus there are contradictions in the Digambara versions. On the other hand the Shvetambara version as to how the Church split into two is a bit too puerile for such an important event. It appears that all these stories were invented long after the actual split which in the beginning must have been a gradual process which was completed some time at he end of the 5th century. We do not know when actually the two sects finally separated but we have epigraphic records to prove that even in the 3rd century A.D. the difference, if any within the community was not sharp. The images found at Kankali-tila in Mathura belong to this period. They depict the tirthankaras in a nude state. Yet the donors of these images presumably belonged are the shvetambara sect for the shakhas and Ganas to which they belonged are the same of the donors were nuns or the disciples of nuns. Thus though the images were in the Digambara style the worshipers did not observe the Digambara orthodoxy about disallowing women to become nuns. Or the disciples of nuns. The exact dates of the Mathura inscription cannot be determined. They are dated in the Kusana era and the dates mentioned are from 5 to 98 of this era. However, the controversy as to when the Kusana era stated is not yet over and if we go by the date suggested by R.C. Majumdar then this era started in A.D. 244, and therefore the Mathura Jaina inscriptions belong to a period from the middle of the 3rd century to the middle of the 4th century. The inscription of Kajum in the Gorakhpur district refers to the installation of five images of Adikartis. This inscription is dated A.D. 460. The images found here are nude. The conclusion would be that the difference in beliefs of the two sects if they had at all parted company by that time, was not up to then clear-cut and both the sects worshiped nude images.

The actual parting of the ways perhaps came come time near the middle of the 5th century, when the Valabhi council was held. It is said that the canon of the Shvetambaras had been reduced to a state of disorder and was even in danger of being lost altogether. Hence in the year 980 after the Death of Mahavira a Council was held in valabhi in Gujarat presided over by Devarddhi Ksahmashramana the head of the school for the purpose of collecting texts and writhing them down. The twelfth Anga containing the puvvas had already gone astray at that time. This is why we find only eleven Angas in the recession which is supposed to be identical with that of Devarddhi.

The Digambaras completely deny the authority of the texts collected by this Council. They say that not only was the knowledge of the 14 Puvvas lost at an early period, but that 436 years after Mahavira's nirvana the last person who knew all the 11 Angas has died. The leaders who succeeded him knew less and less Angas as time went on, until the knowledge of these works was completely lost 683 years after Mahavira's nirvana. Thus the Valabhi council when the two sects actually parted company. As stated earlier all the tirthankaras either in the standing position and nude, or if seated in the crossed legged position are sculptured in such a way that neither garments not genitals are visible. Thus upto the Kusana period both the sects worshipped nude images. The earliest known image of a tirthankara with a lower garment is standing Rishabhnatha discovered at Akota in Gujarat. The date of his image has been fixed at the later part of the fifth century. This was shortly after the period of Valabhi Council.
The geographical distribution of the sects also would give some support to the theory that the Valabhi Council was the chief reason of the schism. It is found that the main concentration of the Shvetambaras is round about and within 500 kilometers of Valabhi. Most of the Jainas in Gujarat and western Rajasthan are Shvetambaras, while most of the Jain of the eastern Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and the Jainas of the South India are Digambaras.

It is possible that so far as the Jainas of northern India were concerned, they might have had a Council of their of there own at Mathura. Its President was Skandila. This name does not occur in the list of Sthaviras of the Kalpa-sutra, but the name of Shandilya occurs 33rd in the list. Jacobi remarks in this connection : "I think Shadilya is the same as Skandila, who was president of the Council of Mathura, which seems to have been the rival of that in Valabhi."
In other words, those who accepted the literature edited and collected at Vallabhi as canonical were later called Shvetambaras, and those who either has their own Council at Mathura, or did not have any Council at all as in South India, were later called Digambaras.

The Digamabaras of South India, long before the time the Valabhi Council of the Shvetambaras had met had started developing their own sacred literature. They had to do this because according to them the last of the acharyas who knew even a part of the angas had died 683 years after the death of Mahavira. The name of this acharya was Bhutavali. Nobody was left who knew even a part of the original canon. The next point off according to some Digambara lists was Bhadrabahu II. Kundakunda who claimed to be the disciple of this Bhadrabahu, therefore started writing the sacred books of the Digambaras. He is said to have written altogether 84 such books. The names of all the work composed by kundakunda are not known. But three of his works, viz., Samayasara, Pravachanasara, and Panchasikayasara are considered so important by the Digambaras that together they are called Prabhritatraya or Saratrraua, a name which reminds one of the prasthanatraya of the Vedantists. Indeed Kundakunda is considered so important a personality in the Digambara hagiology that a popular Digambara benedictory verses runs thus :

Mangalam Bhagavana Viro, mangalam Gautamogani,
Mangalam Kundakundyadyau, Jaina dharmostu mangalam.

To the Digambaras thus Kundakunda is an important a teacher as Sudharma is to the shvetambars.

Kundakunda was followed by many other Digambara writhers such as Vattakera, Kartikeya Svamin, etc. Practically all these authors belonged to South India. Thus by the early centuries of the Christian era while the intellectual center of the Shevtambaras was developing in western India, the Digambaras had their own intellectual center on south-west Karnataka. Perhaps this geographical separation of the intellectual centers was the main reason why the two sections of the Jainas drifted. To some extent even the gods began to differ: The Digambaras in South West Karnataka made Bahubali, a son of the first tirthankara one of their most important deities and built colossal statues for him. Bahubali on the other hand is scarcely, if at all, mentioned in the Shvetambara mythology.

The Digambaras called their Church, the Mula Sangha or the Main Church. The Mula sangha is then said to have branched of into Nandi, Sinha, etc. But all Digambaras to whatever gaccha they might belong claim the descent of their gaccha uttimately from the Mula Sangha.

In the first few centuries of the Christian era the dominant sect among the Jainas of the Deccan and South India were the Digambaras. Only one inscription - a grant - has been found in these parts of India which refers to the Shvetapatas (Shvetambaras) by name. This is the Devagira (Dharwar district) inscription of king Mrigeshavarmana referred to earlier. His period according to Saletore was A.D. 475-490).

The difference between the Shvetambaras and the Digambaras
The total number of points on which the Digambars differ form the Shvetambaras are eighteen, These are listed below:
The Digambaras do not accept the Shvetambara beliefs :
1. That a kevali needs food;2. That a kevali needs to evacuate (nihara);3. That women can get salvation. (In order to get salvation a woman has according to the Digamabaras to be born again as a man).4. That Shudras can get salvation;5. That a person can get salvation without forsaking clothes;6. That a house-holder can get salvation;7. That the worship of images having clothes and ornaments is permitted;8. That monks are allowed to possess fourteen (specified) things;9. That the tirthankara Malli was a woman;10. That the eleven of the 12 original Angas (canonical works) still exists;11. That Bharata Chakavarti attained kevali hood while living in his palace;12. That a monk may accept food from a Shudra;13.That Mahavira's embryo was transferred form one womb to another; and Mahavira's mother had fourteen auspicious dreams before he was born. The Digambaras believe that she had actually 16 such dreams;14. That Mahavira had a sickness due to the tejolesya of Goshala;15 That mahavira had married and had a daughter;17. That Marudevi went for her salvation riding and elephant; and 18. That a monk may accept alms form many houses.

Development of Jainism outside Bihar

Mrs. N. R. Guseva

In ethnography it is generally accepted that Jainism started spreading in south India from the third century B.C. i.e. since the time when Bhadrabahu a preacher of this religion and the head of monks' community came to Karnatak from Bihar.

But there also exists another viewpoint, viz. that Jainism was known here long before the arrival of Bhadrabahu and that he only infused new life in this old religion. The adherents of God Shiva knew and accepted from Jainism much. which was already known to them from religious teachings-ascetism, the yoga-asana posture, protection to animals. etc.

In the course of the first century A.D., Jainism spread along south India quite intensively and smoothly. It was widely known in the empire of Satavahanas (whose fall is dated in the third century A.D.) and availed the patronage of rulers of Ganga dynasties (second to eleventh centuries), early Kadamba (fourth to sixth centuries), Chalukya (sixth to eighth centuries), Pallava (fifth to ninth centuries) and other dynasties. Many rulers built Jain temples and monasteries and set up kitchens for feeding monks.

The modified Brahmanism, as applied to local conditions became during this period a widely known religious system. Departing from the worship of a majority of Vedic gods, and forbidding to a significant degree sacrifices of animal, Hinduism in the main adopted in this epoch the form of Bhagvatism (from Bhagvat-deity) i.e. the upper deities were set apart from the innumerable gods of Hinduism, as though they were the heads of the pantheon. Gods Shiva and Vishnu, became the chief objects of worship of Bhagvats in south India. And thus two main currents-Shivaism and Vishnuism-took shape in Hinduism.

This was the early epoch of bhakti, the religious movement in Hinduism, calling for unlimited, self-renouncing love towards the deity Shiva or Vishnu.

Bhakti-Shivayats (i.e. the fanatic adherents of Shivaism) known by the name of Nayanars and Bhakti-Vishnuits (Alvars) composed hymns in praise of these gods. These hymns serve for the historians as a great and extremely interesting section of literature of the early Middle Ages in south India.

From these sources it can be seen that enmical relations sprung up between the Jain community and Bhakti-Hinduists in the south towards the middle of the first millennium A.D.

The Jain religion-preachers founded a monastery in the district of South Arcot (modern stated of Madras), and named it Pataliputra-evidently in memory of one of the northern strongholds of this religion. The monks in Pataliputra converted a wide strata of local population into Jainism, including several strong rulers of south Indian states, as for example, Mahendravarman of the Pallava dynasty (beginning of the seventh century A.D.).

This monastery was not the only influential centre of Jainism in the south. The Jain monasteries in Puhar, Urapur, Madurai and in a number of other places in south India acquired fame in the first half of the first millennium A.D.

It is evident that rivalry due to influence of the Jains on the rulers and also due to economic benefits (struggle for land, donated to monasteries and temples for rich contributions etc.) served as one of the reasons for the enmity between the communities.

The fight between the Jains and the Bhakts sometimes led not only to public disputes (in those disputes, the defeated were to adopt the faith of the winner) or to contests in demonstrating 'miracles' but also to mass executions of Jains, instigated by the Brahmin advisers who had influence on the rulers.

There is evidence that in Maharashtra, the Jains were subjected to fierce attacks from groups of local population, led by persons known by the name of Bhairavs. This name shows that those groups of population were evidently 'Shaivas' since the word 'Bhairav' is one of the names of Shiva.

In the temple of goddess Minakshee in the town of Madurai (state of Madras) there are frescoes on which mass execution of Jains are carved. Here, even at present, on the day of annual festival of this goddess, a picture of a Jain, impaled, is carried in procession.

The chief reason for such enmity was those social-economic changes, which made their appearance with the development of feudal relations. There are no indications of such intense enmity between the communities until the beginning of the Gupta epoch. New social strata (and first of all, feudal rulers) rising in Gupta epoch, and after that epoch i.e. in the period of growth of feudalism, made reformatory Brahmanism-Hinduism, its own ideological banner. This was Hinduism in the form of the early bhakti. It meant adherence only to supreme god. And then started active attacks on the bearers of the old forms of ideology which was attended by those social-economic relations, destined to disappear from historical arena, since they were closely tied with the epoch of formation of class relations.

The victim of this fight was Buddhism, which could not adopt itself to new social-economic conditions and was practically forced out from India towards the eighth-ninth centuries A.D. Jainism, as a religious faith, distinguished itself by its great simplicity and closeness to practical life of the people. It also probably possessed in a greater measure, roots stretching into the thickness of the faiths of ancient peoples and therefore could withstand this conflict.
It is certain that Jain preachers (Acharyas) ordained the members of the community to adhere to the customs of every people, amongst whom they lived (if only these customs did not happen to contradict the basic principles of Jainism). Thus two types of religious-ritual practice came into being in case of every Jain. Those types were 'Laukika' (worldly), practical and 'Paralaukika' (only for the soul). Not only pilgrimage, but also productive activity formed part of the Laukika.

It is difficult to say whether there was common profession for all the members of the ancient Jain community. All the tasks connected with the destruction of living beings or with causing harm to them were considered as prohibited. That is why Jains reject for example, agriculture, assuming that while ploughing fields, one caused harm to various living beings. But precisely in which period Jains rejected agriculture is not known. Evidently this religious teaching, mainly spread in the environments of cities even in ancient times.

In Karnataka, there existed only one caste called 'Chaturtha' amongst the Jains. This caste is engaged in agriculture. This might call forth the suggestion that members of some strong agricultural caste of a given locality sometime adopted Jainism and continued to engage themselves with agriculture because it was difficult for numerically big groups of people to change the profession in a short time and to settle in the towns for the occupation of trade or usury.

Proceeding from the fact that the activity of trading and usury is the traditional occupation of the Jains in the course of many centuries, it is possible to assume that Jains concentrated on this occupation all their efforts in the period of the blossoming of feudalism. If the Jain-monks lived in the monasteries and cloisters outside the cities, then the Jain-laymen were mainly concentrated in cities. Evidently, the high degree of their influence on many rulers can be explained precisely by the fact that they granted big loans and financed one or another enterprise.

The epoch of early feudalism, development of handicrafts and trade must have objectively facilitated the consolidation of Jainism and helped it to withstand the blows from the side of Hinduism.

Already in the Gupta epoch, many cities (Mathura, Vallabhi, Pundravardhana, Udayagiri, Mysore, Kanchi and others, in which handicrafts and trade flourished) were well known as big centres of Jainism. In the year 453 A.D., an all-Jain synod was convened in the city of Vallabhi for amending and fixing canonical texts. This testifies to the fact that this religion had consolidated itself in the early Middle Ages and it had spread in south and west India. During this period, many commentaries on these texts were written, forming a great section of Jain literature.

However, development of feudalism (and in the sphere of ideology the process of formation of Hinduism) was inseparable from the development and consolidation of caste structure. The Jain community adopted this feature of social-economical and ideological life of India and gradually castes, adopting many restrictions and prohibitions, which existed in Hindu castes took shape in Jainism also.

The ability of the Jain community to adopt to changing historical conditions can be explained by the well known liberalism of Jain canon and the entire structure of the community. Jain preachers did not oppose changes, which time introduced in the organization of the community. As also in antiquity, the community did not shut its door to anybody.

The significant reason for the formation of Jain castes in this period was the mass conversion of Hindus to Jainism in those states, the rulers of which, gave patronage to the Jain community or themselves became Jains. These newly converted preserved within the framework of the new religion their previous tenor of life, based on caste-structure.

The division of the community into castes, finally taking place mainly in the thirteenth-fifteenth centuries added to the division into four varnas, which had already orginated in the ancient (in Bihar) period of development of Jainism. Jain castes proper arose in the main according to the local indications-according to the place of settlement of one or another group of Jains. This is corroborated by the fact that the place of formation of many Jain castes is definitively known. This place is the cities in an overwhelming majority of cases.

In north and west India, merging of Hindu and Jain communities was especially active. Here in the edifice of many Jain castes, there are groups, professing Vishnuism, and in the edifice of many Hindu castes, there are components which are registered as jains. In the south, its own castes were formed in the Jain community, and those castes as a whole, fell apart from the Hindu community

Here the names of Jain castes are not met with in the edifice of Hindu castes. Possibly this shows that the process of formation of Jain community in the south took place on the basis of greater isolation from Hindu community, in which, as is known, the early Bhakti sect attained high development. In this, the struggle between communities, which is referred to above is also reflected. The struggle did not cease even in the first half of the second millennium A.D. It is known that Jains complained to the ruler of Vijaynagar, Bukkarai about oppression from the side of Vishnuits and he commanded in 1368 both the communities to end enmity and to profess their own faiths peacefully.

Southern Jains do not have recourse to the services of the Brahmins, as Jains from the north and west do, and have their own Upaddhyayas (priests) serving within their own community.
In the ninth-fifteenth centuries the south Indian Jain-Digambaras were called 'Panchamas' (the fifth) i.e. those who are placed outside the framework of the four varnas of Jainism. It is true there is another interpretation of this name and that is that in the fifth group amongst Jains, there are only those members of the community who acknowledge marriages of widows because of which other groups of Jains regard the pancham as the 'lowest' group. In order to free themselves from their low position, many panchams merged into Shaivaite sect of Lingayats, who did not acknowledge the caste restrictions.

It is considered that much of the ethical teaching and philosophy of Lingayats is borrowed from the Jains. The majority of Lingayats, as also the Jains, are traders and usurers, which fact serves as direct confirmation of extensive conversion of Jains into Lingayats. In the course of several centuries the Jains and the Lingayats lived together peacefully but in the sixteenth century, during the rule of Raya dynasty in Vijaynagar, conflicts took place between them. Thus Krishnadeo Raya ordered severe punishment to the head of the Lingayat community, becuase he killed several priests of the Jain sect of Shvetambaras.

One can see all-around in the south, the statues of Tirthankars, and Jain temples, testifying to the extensive spread of their religion here over long period of time. In various regions of south India, centres of Jainism were formed but the chief amongst them was the centre in Shravanbelgol in the State of Mysore (where, according to legend, Bhadrabahu who came here a short time before his death, died).

From the thirteenth century Jainism in south India started to decline. In this period anti-feudal movement, the religious ideological expression of which was the teaching of Bhakti (especially the Vishnuite bhakti) started growing. It embraced wide strata of the rural population and the urban handicraftsmen. This movement was so extensive that many representatives of other religious communities joined it. A great number of Jains turned to Vishnuism and the Jain community not only decreased numerically but also lost its influence.

Finally, the Hinduised rulers of south India States ceased to patronise the Jains.
During the period of Mohammedan conquests and especially after the fall of Vijaynagar empire (end of sixteenth century) the Jain community in the south practically lost all its positions.
In north India Mathura, Ujjain and Rajputana were the centres of Jainism (mainly of the Shvetambara sect) in the medieval period. Mathura, was since a long time, a trading city and during the rule of the Satavahan dyansty it turned into one of the main centres of trade with the western countries. Here Jain merchants concentrated, generously subsidising the erection of Jain monasteries and temples in the course of many centuries.

In the north and the north-west, as also in the south, conflicts sometimes flared up between Hindu and Jain communities. The incidents of destruction of Jain temples and their alterations as Hindu temples are known. Also incidents of persecutions and executions of Jains are known.
During the rule of the Mohammedan dynasties, Jains were not subjected to persecution. This can be explained by the fact that they held in their hands many key positions in taxation -fiscal department, in trade and usury and also gave loans to the Moghuls. Jains were rich and influential and precisely in this period built from their own resources richest temples, in Rajputana and Gujarat, which are famous in the whole world. The Jains profited by the patronage of many Rajput kings and were ministers at their court. These Jains who were engaged in trade and usury in Rajputana and Gujarat formed the basis of the communities which was later known by the name of Marwari (from the place of its formation-Marwar).
They did not only engage in trade, usury and in granting big loans to Rajput feudals but also in collecting taxes in buying up handicraft products, in extensively transporting and re-selling and in granting credits in other regions of India and in other similar operations.

Jain Monuments in Southern Karnataka

Dr. M. S. Krishna Murthy


Jainism, one of the oldest living faiths of India, has a hoary antiquity in Karnataka. No doubt, this religion took its birth in North India. However, within a couple of centuries of its birth, this religion is said to have entered into Karnataka. Jaina tradition ascribe III C.B.C. as the date of entry of this religion to south India, and in particular to Karnataka. After this period Jainism grew from strength to strength and heralded a glorious era, never to be witnessed in any part of India, to become a religion next only to Brahmanism in popularity and number. Though Jainism was spread over different parts of south India within the first few centureis of the Christian era, its nucleus as well as the stronghold was southern Karnataka. In fact, it is the general opinion that the history of Jainism in south India is predominantly the history of that religion in Karnataka. Such was the prominence that this religion enjoyed throughout the first millenium A.D. Liberal royal patron­age extended by the Kadambas, the Gangas, the Chalukyas of Badami, the Rashtrakutas, the Nolambas, !he Kalyana Chalukyas, the Hoysalas, the Vijayanagar rulers and their successors, resulted in the uninterrupted growth of this religion in southern Karnataka on an unpreceden~ed scale.

The growth, spread and popularity of Jainism in Karnataka is best illustrated by the beautiful monuments that the Jains constructed in different parts of the State. A close study of these monuments in Karnataka, would, however, reveal that the Jainas has no separate architectural tradition of their own. In the general pattern of architectural and art forms, they, nevertheless, adopted or followed, the contemporary Brahmanical architectual style prevailing in Karnataka. That is to say during the early period their architecture was similar to the Dravidian temple forms as practiced by the Gangas, Chalukyas, Pallavas etc. During the Hoysala period, they conveniently followed the traditional Hoysala as well as Dravida styles. Again during the Vijayanagar and later periods they built basadis in the same popular Dravidian style.
Besides the structural basadis, there are also a few rock-cut Jaina monuments in Karnataka indicating no strong affiliation of the Jains to one particular mode of architecture. These rock-cut vestiges are very few in number and very humble in their execution. Therefore it is difficult to suggest that a separate tradition of rock-cut architecture was practiced by the Jains.

For the sake of study the existing important monuments of the Jains in Southern Karnataka have been classified into three chronological groups viz., I-the early period (Ganga Period), II-the middle period (Hoysala period) and III the later period (Vijayanagar and post-Vijayanagar).
I - EARLY PERIOD (GANGA PERIOD) : The chronology of the temples that come under this group is between 6th century to 10th century A.D. during which time most of the parts of southern Karnataka were ruled by the Western Gangas of Talkad. The patronage that they gave for the promotion of Jainism in their kingdom, is no doubt, unprecedented.

The general layout or plan of the Jaina structural temples of this period, as can be verified from the existing Jaina monuments, generally consists of a square 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a 'gudhamandapa' (navaranga') and in rare cases a small pillared porch ('mukha mandapa'/mukha Chatushki'). They are generally 'nirandhara' temples. No apsidal Jaina basadi is noticed so far. Normally the basadis are built inside an enclosure wall with a gateway in front, occasionally having a dwara­mandapa without a 'gopura' above.

The structure is built above a moulded plinth consisting of 'upana', 'Jagati' , kumuda' 'kantha' (with or without 'kampa') 'kapota' or 'prati', and 'pattika'. The walls of the basadis are filled, at regular intervals, with pilasters, having all the decorative features of the pillars found inside the temple. Pilasters support the corbels ('potika') and architrave ('valabhi') above. The architraves or beams some­times contains a frieze of 'hamsas' or 'Ganas' or similar other decoration. 'kapota', punctated by 'kudus' at regular intervals and 'hara' (parapet) above or 'pindi' (ceiling slab) occur above the wall. So is the general pattern of decoration of the exterior wall surface, which runs uniformly alround the structure.

The wall surface may, sometimes, have 'bhadras' or central projections and 'kosthas' (niches) at regular intervals, flanked by pilasters surmounting 'toranas'. The garbhagriha' normally contains a superstructure of a very simple form ('grive sikhara') or a storeyed tower i.e., a 'sikhara' -tower.

In the design and decoration of pillars, door frames, windows, the Jaina temples of this period show a remarkable affinity with the existing Brahmanical temple of the Dravidian style. However, in the decoration of the interiors, particularly the central part of the ceiling ('vitand') of the 'navaranga' one can see a slight difference, The Brahmanical temples generally contain the panels of 'asthadikpalakas' surrounding Siva (generally Nataraja). But in the Jaina basadis instead of Siva in the centre a seated Tirthankara is represented. The 'garbhagrihas' contain the image of a Jina either in seated or standing postures, placed against the back wall of the shrine, facing the doorway.

Now coming to the study of the monuments proper, we can, on definite grounds, say that the temple architecture of the Jains had a very early beginning in southern Karnataka, as gleaned from the epigraphical and archeological evi­dences. The Halsi copper plate inscriptionl records that Mrigeshavarma (455-80 A.D.) in memory of his father Santivarma (430-55 A.D.) got a Jinalaya constructed and gave liberal grants to Jaina ascetics. Many more records of the Kadambas of Banavasi refer to the grants made to several 'sanghas' of the Jainas and to 'arhadayatanas' that flourished in their kingdom.

Same was the case with southern parts of Karnataka which were under the political hold of the Gangas of Gangavadi. Sravanabelagola a part of the Ganga Kingdom, no doubt, was the nucleus of Jainism in south India even before the Gangas emerged as a political power to reckon with. Several hundred inscriptions of Sravanabelagola record the existence of many Jaina basadis, 'Sanghas' and celebrated 'munis' of the creed at this centre as well as in other parts of Gangawadi.

However, it may be said, that these religious edifices of the Jains had a very humble beginning. They were, at the best of their appearance, were not more than a simple brick and wood structure, without much show. Even these structures, extant to us, are in a very bad state of preservation, because of the softer media used for their construction like, brick, mud and wood.

In 1897 ruins of a brick basadi were discovered at Nonamangala, near Malur in Kolar district2. Two copper plate inscriptions3 and a few bronze objects were also discovered in the debris of the structure. One of the inscriptions (Mr 73) records that the Ganga King Madhava II (461-85 A.D.) during his third regnal year (474 A. D.) at the behest of Acharya Viradeva gave a land grant to an 'arhadayatana' that existed at Perbolal. The second copper plate records that during his first regnal year the king Avinita (C. 530-70 A. D), gifts to the 'arhadayatana' at Uranur and Perur, affiliated to 'Mulasangha' were given. These two grants no doubt refer to the basadi in the ruins of which they were discovered. Only the basement of this brick structure is found in a field two Kms. west of the village and the walls were composed of a very large size bricks which were only one to two inches in thickness. Near the doorway of the east, stuck in a crevice of the wall, were found plates Mr. 73. In the north wall, near the side of the shrine, was a small chamber or cupboard, partly projecting from the wall. In this were found plates Mr. 72, along with a number of other articles"4 Dr. I. K. Sarma opines that "The find spot where ruins of brick temples were encountered was the very Jaina establishment mentioned in the grants"5.

Recent excavations at Talkad 6 have brought to light the remains of a large brick structure buried under the debris as well as the sand dune. This structure identified as a Parsvanatha basadl7 is datable on stylistic ground to 7th, 8th century A.D.8.

This structure appears to have been built in two phases. The first phase consists of three cellas is a row, an early variant of a 'trikuta' on plan, fronted by a common narrow 'mukhamandapa'. In front of this slightly separated from the main structure, in the same axis, is another square pavillion. These two units form the first phase datable to 7th-8th century A.D. The ruined stumps of the 'garbhagriha' wall, brick paved flooring of the central 'garbhagriha', portions of the flooring of the left shrine and the complete structure below that level are the only remnants, of the basadi of the First phase. Only the shrines and the two sides of the porch appear to have had brick walls surmounting a wooden roof. The sides of the detached 'mandapa' were open. Supported on the wooden pillars, there was probably a wooden roof for this pavillion also, as evidenced by the existence of several post­holes. This basadi, particularly the roof, appears to have been destroyed in a fire accident, and was later enlarged and reconstructed.

Enlargement of the basadi was made by constructing a parallel wall at a distance of about one metre encompassing both the shrine and the pavilion. This second wall provided a covered circum ambulatory path for the shrines, while it enlarged the pavilion in front on all the four sides, and converted the open pavilion into a large 'navaranga'. The 'navaranga' and the porch in front of the shrine were connected by a doorway. A well moulded stone 'adhisthana', comprising of 'upana', 'Jagati', 'kumuda' (round) 'kantha' (with 'kampa') 'pattika' and 'prati', was provided for the structure, However It is not possible to have a clear idea of the 'bhitti' and the superstructure of the basadi. Many decorative pieces moulded in lime mortar, 'kudus', 'keertimukhas', burnt 'bricks of various shapes, sizes, and terracotta mouldings, stone pedestals of pillars have been discovered during excavatins. These artistic objects indicate that a well shaped and styled basadi was existing at that place during 10th century A. D.

The Mercara Copper plates9 of Avinita (469.529 A. D.) (regarded as spurious) refers to the existence of a basadi at Talkad called Vijaya Jinalaya, caused by the minister of Akalavarsha Prithvivallabha at Talavananagara. It appears that this newly excavated basadi is perhaps, the same Jinalaya mentioned in the plates.

The excavation has not provided any clue to date this basadi to the period of Avinita. However, it is possible for us to surmise, through a comparative study of this basadi with other basad is of more or less the same period existing at other parts of Gangavadi to date this structure to 7th - 8th Century A. D. The plan of the I phase of this brick structure, particularly the' garbhagriha' unit bears a striking resemblance with the plan of the Chandragupta basadi at Sravanabelagola, datable on stylistic grounds to Pallava - early Chola period (i.e., 8th-9th century A.D.)10. Three sanctums in a row, the central cella being larger than the two cellas on the sides, all the cellas having openings to a common oblong verandah or porch, closed on the two sides are features common to both the basadis, It may be noted here that the Talakad basadi being a basadi of wood and brick with a detatched pavilion in front (a feature of early temples of Tamil country) being built first, served as a model for shaping the Chandragupta basadi in granite.

As evidenced by the excavation, this basadi of wood and brick must have suffered great damage, particularly to the wooden roof. Hence, this basadi was reconstructed and also in the meantime enlarged, During the renovation, the contemporary architectural practice of providing a circumambulatory passage and an attached spacious Inavarangal was followed. So also for exterior treatment of the wall and 'adhisthana', the Chandragupta basadi at Sravanabelagola served as a model for restoration, Because, from the remains of the basadi, remnants of almost all the mouldings and decorative designs that we see in Chandragupta basadi, have been unearthed, A reconstruction of the basadi based on these remnants, would, however, provide us with an elevational pattern, precisely resembling the elevation of Chandragupta basadi. Therefore in all probability the Talakad basadi must have been reconstructed during 9th-10th century A.D.

The brick structures of the early period made way for the construction of basadis in a more permanent material like stone, which was the order of the day for the structures of the Brahmanical creed. To study and appreciate the Jaina monuments of this period one has to visit Sravanabelgola in Channarayapattana taluk of Hassan district. Here two hillocks, 'large' (Indragiri/Vindhyagiri) and 'small' (Chandragiri) provide umpteen religious edifices, of the Jains datable from 7th century A.D, to modern period. Of these two hills the 'small hill' contains monuments of earlier date than the 'large hill'.

The earliest amongst the existing structures on the 'small hill' is the Chandra Prabhanatha basadi, built facing north. The plan of this structure consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', and a 'navaranga' having a group of four central pillars. The basadi is of 'misra' type, i.e., the brick structure raised over a stone plinth, It is said to have been erected by the Ganga king Sivamara II, hence called Sivamara basadi.

The next to come on the hill is the Chandragupta basadi, a triple celled structure already cited. This basadi built in granite appears to have been modelled on the plan of the Talakad brick basadi. Three cellas arranged in a row fronted by an oblong verandah forms the core of this basadi even though it is covered in front by later structures. Of the three cellas, the two side ones have 'ekatala brahmachchanda vimanas', while the 'vimana' of the central shrine is missing. A sculpture of Parsvanatha is housed in the central shrine while the two side shrines house Padmavati and Kushmandini Yakshis. "The entire unit" according to Dr. I. K. Sarma11, "represents an early variant of a 'Trikuta' on plan with the three 'vimanas' in a parallel line fornted by a long 'mandapa' in right angles' with the main entrance at the center facing south". He further states that "the central shrine had originally, perhaps, a 'dvitala' vimana on its top consummate to its bigger dimension and the importance of the enshrined image".

Built on a plinth consisting of 'upana' 'jagati', 'tripattakumuda' 'kampa', 'pattika', the wall surface contains a row of pilasters at regular intervals. The 'bhadra' portion at the back as well as the side walls have 'kosthas' flanked by half pilasters. The 'kapota' is punctuated by 'kudas', The 'vitana' moulding below the tower has 'vyalavari' alround. There are two 'ekatala vimanas' of 'Brahmachchanda' class above corresponding to the two side shrines, and the central 'vimana' as already stated is missing. The 'stupis' of both the 'vimanas' are missing.

The next important structure to be built on Chandragiri is the Chamundaraya basadi, a gem of Jaina architecture in the pure Dravidian style, caused to be erected by Chamundaraya, the able minister of Ganga king Marasimha II in 982 A.D. The basadi was completed by the former's son Jinadeva in 995 A.D. The basadi is a rectangular structure of the 'sandhara' type built facing east. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', a 'pradakshinapatha', open 'sukanasi', navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. Above the 'garbhagriha' is a 'dvitala vimana' of which the first 'tala' is functional as it contains a cella and a porch with an approach staircase. The second 'tala' is' only conventional. The 'sikhara' element is of 'Vishnuchchanda' type (octagonal) surmounted by a 'stupi'.

The structure is built over a neatly moulded' adhisthana'. The wall above is decorated with regularly spaced pilasters and niches. The 'kapota' is punctated with 'kudus'. The 'hara' filled with relief sculptures of Tirthankaras, Yakshas, Yakshis, Gandharvas, Apsaras, elephants etc., give an attractive elevation to the temple. The 'navaranga' has sixteen pillars and the 'sukanasi' has two. The porch in front is an addition made by the Hoysala king Vishnuvardhana in place of the original porch.
The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of. Neminatha flanked by 'Chauri' bearers. This image bears Hoysala characteristic features hence, may be a later replacement. The cella on the first storey of the 'vimana' houses the standing image of Parsvanatha installed by Chamundaraya's son Jinadeva in 985 A.D.

The most beautiful' and splendid example of the Jaina architecture of the early period is the Panchakuta basadi at Kambadahalli, Mandya district. Exact date of construction of this temple is not known. However, on stylistic grounds this may be placed to X century A.D12. This basadi facing north is built in two phases. The whole structure is enclosed by a high wall having an entrance and a porch in the North. The first phase consists of three symmetrically arranged and equally sized cellas oriented towards south, east and west. Each part has a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' opening to a common 'navaranga' consisting of 4 central pillars. The 'navaranga' has a doorway towards the north and a porch in front of it. The second phase is a 'dvikuta' of a slightly later period, built just in front of the porch of first phase. It consists of two shrines built facing each other. Each shrine has a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi' a 'navaranga' of four pillars connected to a common porch in front. In between the porches of these two phases, is a 'balipitha'. This is a neatly moulded structure also sculpted on the sides.

All the shrines have the images of Tirthankaras viz., I phase, South­Adinatha, West-Neminatha, and east Santinatha. II phase, West-Adinatha and east Santinatha. All the five shrines are built in granite in pure Dravidian style, hence look identical in form and shape except for the 'sikhara' part which are of round, square and octagonal shapes. Vertical elevation of all the shrines exhibit identically treated surface. The three shrines of the I phase stand on the common' adhisthana' and two of the II phase, on another. The mouldings of these two 'adhisthanas' are nevertheless identical in treatment. They are 'upana', 'jagati', 'tripattakumuda'. 'kantha' with 'kampa' and 'pattika'.

The wall surface has tetragonal pilasters at regular intervals. Architectural niches are, however, found in the central part of the walls of each of the architectural components. A few of them also have standing Jina images. Neverthe­less the total 'appearance of the building, is highly orthodox, symmetrical and pleasing. These temples with their proportional dimensions, according to Dr. I.K, Sarma "impart an arithmetic beauty, speak of the mastery of the compositional aspects of the temple builders13". Dr. K.R. Srinivasan considers this monument as a "landmark in south Indian temple architecture"14.
Besides, these important Jaina monuments described above. There are innumerable Jain vestiges in southern Karnataka datable to the first millennium A. D. Important among them are listed below :
Place
Name
Material
1. Manne, B'lore Dist.
Sule Devalaya
Stone
2. Muguru, Mysore Dist.
Sivalaya Basadi
Brick/Stone
3. Nandi, B'lore Dist.
Rock Shelters
4. Tippuru, Mandya Dist.
Site
Rock Shelters
5. Kyatanahalli, Mandya Dist.
Site
6. Bastipura, Mysore Dist.
Site (Now completely disappeared)
7. Doddahundi, Mysore Dist.
Nishidhi
8. Begur, B'lore Dist
Nishidi
9. Asandhi, Kadur Dist.
Nishidi

II. MIDDLE PERIOD (HOYSALA PERIOD)The end of X century A.D. witnessed a tremendous political change in southern Karnataka. The Ganga royal family which dominated the politics of this region for over five centuries suddenly eclipsed due to the political supremacy of the Cholas on one side and the emergence of the Hoysalas on the other. The Cholas who conquered south eastern parts of Karnataka and ruled it for over one hundred years did not appear to have provided as congenial an atmoshere as extended to by the Gangas for' the promotion of Jainism. However, the Hoysalas who emerged as a strong political power offered the same prestigious position and status of Jainism as was extended to by the Gangas. Even the emergence of Srivaishnavism under the Saint Ramanujacharya as a powerful religion did not, in any way, affect the power, pomp and popularity of Jainism in the Hoysala country. The golden age of Jainism in Karnataka which commenced during the middle of X century A.D. continued upto the end of XII century. During this period the best of the religious and cultural achievements may be said to have attained by the Jains in Karnataka.

The Hoysalas practiced an art tradition which is, of course, magnificent and unique by itself. Described as a hyoridised form of Nagara and Dravida styles of architecture, the Hoysala temples contain many other elements, which, to a great extent, are the innovations of highly skilled creative artists. The Hoysala medium for construction of temples was mainly Chloritic schist or soap stone known for its fine grain. close texture, soft and malleable qualities. The softness of the stone was taken best advantage of for the exquisite display of minute and lavish decoration in each and every part of the architectural programme. Hundreds of temples allover southern Karnataka were built under the liberal patronage of Hoysalas. Two modes of architectural styles were preferred to for building temples by these artists. The first is the classical mode which is characteristic of their style and the second is the Dravidian style. The classical mode or the Hoysala style also defined as 'Vesara' style-a tasteful blend of North and South Indian varieties - consists of a star-shaped plan for the 'garbhagriha'. The other parts of the temple plan are 'sukanasi', 'navaranga', 'mukhamandapa' all built generally over a platform or 'jagati', slightly bigger in size than the temple proper, providing an open promenade alround, for circumambulation.

The 'vimana', being a mixed form of north and south Indian varieties, possesses the Nagara element in the vertical ribbings and deep chases of the wall carried right upto the top; as well as the Dravida element in the steeply stepped horizontal tiers of the tower. The 'vimana'-tower is neither curvilinear nor stepped pyramidal but looks roughly like a half folded royal parasol. Examples of this type of 'vimanas' are few compared to the second style of modified Dravidian stepped pyramidal 'vimanas' of the Hoysalas. 'Kadamba Nagara' or 'Phamsana' variety of 'vimana' towers were also built besides the two varieties described above.

The Jain temples of the Hoysala period, to suit their simple and austere religious life, were also constructed in a simple form, of course, within the general pattern of the Hoysala style. Except two living examples all the Jaina monuments of the period are conspicuous by their simplicity and clarity of style.

Despite the fact that the Jaina builders got accustomed to the new style and media brought in by the Hoysala builders, those Jaina monuments that were built on the Chandragiri (small hill) at Sravanabelgola, the nucleus of Jainism in Karnataka. are built in the orthodox Dravidian style as practiced by the Gangas. They are either granite temples or brick temples or 'misra' (mixed) type. It is difficult to give a satisfactory explanation to this puritanism of the Jains on this hill. However, this may be explained as that they were probably, slow in assimilating, the new wave of architectural movement existing around or perhaps, they found the old Dravidian style with less glamour adequate to meet their minimal religious requirements. Moreover strict adherence to austerity and restraint are the first and foremost principles of a true Jain to achieve the goal of salvation. Probably this temperament of the Jains played a major role in the design and decoration of the basadis they constructed on small hill. It must be remembered that simplicity of the style, however, in no way reflects the economic stature of the patrons. Most of these basad is are constructed by Kings, Queens, wealthy and influential persons, some of whom were even related to the ruling royal family and placed highly in the official and social circles. Gangaraja, the celebrated general, King Vishnuvardhana, and others, Queen Santaladevi, ministers and wealthy merchants have caused basadis to be built here. Yet they are simple Dravidian structures with no superior architectural elegance and the rich Hoysala style has the least impact on these structures.

While this was the case with the monuments on Chandragiri, in others places the impact of Hoysala art was rather less. However, personal predilections and taste of the patrons also played a deciding role in the selection of architectural pattern of the temple. This resulted in the construction of a few basad is in the ornate style of the Hoysalas. The Jaina architects also started gradually absorbing the Hoysala elements into their structures. Soap stone which was used hither to by the Jains for carving sculptures also became the media for constructing walls, carving pillars, doorways and 'bhuvanesvaris'. The stellate plan, in contrast to Dravidian plan was also brought in occasionally.

Now coming to some of the general characteristic features of the Jain basadis of the Hoysala period we can say that the principal components of the plan of these structures, whether built in pure Dravidian style, or Hoysala style,' apparently contains a 'garbhagriha' a 'Sukanasi', (open or closed) a 'navaranga' and a 'mukhamandapa'. All these temples are 'nirandhara' in character excepting one solitary example (Kattale basadi on Chandragiri).The plan of the basadis of the Hoysala period (excepting those built on the Chandragiri in Dravidian style) may by classified broadly into the following three categories:
Basadis whose walls are laid in straight lines without offsets
Basadis whose walls have graduated projections
Basadis whose 'vimanas' have stellate plans.

The exterior walls of these structures of the period are usually simple in contrast to the rich sculptural and decorative treatment of the Brahmanical temples. They usually possess the simple decoration of pilasters, sham niches, with turrets above, a sloped 'kapota', parapet and 'vimana'-tower. The 'vimana'-tower occurs in rare cases. However, they are built in Dravidian or Hoysala styles depending upon the structure on which it is supported.

The pillars of the Jain temples of the period, are no doubt, lathe turned and highly polished in the typical Hoysala fashion and medium. Excepting the varieties of mouldings, (vertical or horizontal) the bell shape in the centre and lustrous polish, nothing aesthetically significant is found on them.

The domed ceilings or the 'bhuvanesvaris' or the Jain basad is are of no less inferior to those found in the Brahmanical temples of the period, in design, decoration and size. Here one can see a vivid display of architectural, decorative designs and puranic frieges of the Jains vividly recorded.

The doorways of the basadis are also equally ornate in their delineation. Figures of Yaksha and Yakshi, Manmatha at Rati appear on the door jambs. The figures of Ganga and Yamuna are generally absent. 'Dwarapalakas' are often found here. The lintel at its 'Ialatabimba' usually contains the figure of a seated Jina or god Indra.

As the worship of Yakshas and Yakshis was the trend of the day amongst the Digambara Jains, each and every basadi was adorned with the loose sculptures of respective Yaksha and Yakshi of the Jina housed in the 'garbhagriha'. They are placed either in the' sukanasi' or in the navaranga'.
Every basadi was also provided with a 'Manastambha', a counterpart of the 'Dhwajastamba' of the Brahmanical temples. 'Manastambha' is a lofty pillar firmly fixed to the ground through a masonry, moulded platform. The monolithic shaft supports a capital, a divine figure or a jina, housed normally inside a small masonry pavilion with a turret above.

Some of the important places in Southern Karnataka where good Jain basadis can be seen are Sravanabelgola, Jinanathapura, Halebeedu, Humcha, Chikkahanasoga, Nitturu Arasikere and other places. Besides these places listed above there are also a number of places in the region where Jaina basadis are still extant. Many of them are either in disrepair or have been renovated during later times thus losing theit original shape.

SRAVANABELGOLA : The largest concentration of Jaina basadis at one place in Karnataka is to be seen here, where nearly one hundred monuments of various sizes and shapes are existing at present situated on the two hills and in the township as well. Among them some are Ganga, some are Hoysala and some, Vijayanagar in time. However, architectural activity at this place on the maximum scale may be said to have taken place during Ganga and Hoysala periods.
Of the basadis at Sravanabelgola township the Bhandari basadi, Akkana basadi and Nagara Jinalaya deserve special attention here. Bhandari basadi or 'Chaturvimsati Tirthankara basadi' is a large structure built facing North contains on plan an oblong 'garbhagriha'; a similar 'sukanasi', 'navaranga', mukhamandapa' and a porch all enclosed by a 'prakara' wall. This basadi is so named because it was got constructed by Hulla, the Bhandari (royal treasurer) of Hoysala Narasimha I in 1159 A. D. The king who visited this basadi named it as 'Bhavya Chudamani basadi' and granted the village Savaneru (Sravaneri) for its upkeep. The 'garbhagriha' contains the images of all the 24 Tirthankaras, each 3' in height, all placed on a common oblong pedestal. There are three doorways provided for the' garbhagriha' in front to have a clear look of all the images. The central doorway contains the usual delicate and crisp carvings of the Hoysala workmanship. The interspaces of the doorways are provided with 'jalandhras'. The central part of the 'navaranga' floor contains a huge monolithic slab of 10 feet sides. Similar slabs are also found in front of the structure a good example to the tremendous transportation capacity of the Hoysala builders.

The only temple in Sravanabelgola to be built in the classical non-ornate Hoysala idiom is the Akkana basadi, so named as it was constructed by a staunch Jaina lady Achiyakka wife of Chandra Mouli, a saiva Brah­min, a 'Sandhi vigrahi', and a min­ister of Ballala II, in the year 1182 A.D. as evidenced by two inscriptions there 15. The temple is built out of dark blue schist on a stellate plan. The plan consists of a 'jagati', a 'garbha­griha', a' sukanasi', a 'navaranga' and a 'mukhamandapa'.

The garbhagriha houses the standing image of Parsvanatha of about 5" in height. The' sukanasi' has the seated images of Dharanendra Yaksha and Padmavathi Yakshi. The 'nava­ranga' has four beau­tifully carved 'bell' moulded pillars and also 'bhuva-nesvaris' with delicate carvings. The outer walls are non-ornate, hence appear very simple. Plinth having neatly cut mouldings, thin pilasters and occasional 'stambha panjaras' of the walls, the 'kapota', the 'prastara', elegantly shaped pyramidal 'vimana'-tower with a 'sukanasa' projection in front, are all built in conformity with the Hoysala style. The carvings are still unfinished.

The other Jaina temple of the Hoysala period here is the Nagara Jinalaya built in 1199 A. D. by 'Pattanaswamy' Nagadeva. 'Sri Nilaya' is the other name of this basadi. As the merchants of the town ('nagaras') gave many grants to this basadi it came to be known as 'Nagara Jinalaya'. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' houses the standing image of Adinatha (21/2' in height). The 'navaranga' has the image of standing Brahmadeva. He holds a fruit in the left hand and a whip in the right. The pedestal has the carving of a horse.
Small hill or Chikka betta in Sravanabelgola during the Xl and XIII centuries was a beehive of Jaina religious activities. Gangaraja, Santaladevi, and other rich and liberal people built six basadis on this hill. However all these monuments, as noticed earlier, are built out of granite and are in Dra"vidian style. They are 1. P arsvanatha basadi, 2. Kattale basadi, 3. Sasana basadi, 4. Savatigandhavarana basadi, 5. Teriha basadi, 6. Santisvara basadi.

PARSVANATHA BASADI : This being one of the two tallest structures of Sravanabelgola, houses the standing image of Parsvanatha of 17' in height. It has a seven hooded serpent above. This image carved out of a single block of schist is next only to the colossus of Gommata in height at Sravanbelgola. Not only this sculpture of Parsvanatha is colossal but it is also beautiful with delicate and tasteful decorations of the hooded 'serpent, sculptured pedestal where mythologically important reliefs are carved.

The temple occupies an area of 69 X 20 feet and on plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', navaranga' and a porch. Except for the neatly moulded plinth and sloped 'kapota' aesthetically there is nothing noteworthy in the struc­ture. The exact date of c:mstruction of this temple is not known. However,it is datable to the beginning of 12th century A.D. on the basis of an inscription on a pillar in the temple.

In front of this basadi is a neatly executed 'Manastambha' erected by Puttayya in 17th century. This supports a pillared pavilion with a turret above. The total height of this' stambha' is 65'.6".

KATTALE BASADI : The biggest of the basadis on the small hill. It measures 120 x 40 feet. 'garbhagriha', 'pradakshinapatha' (a strange phenomenon of this temple) an open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga' of 16 pillars, a large 'rangpmandapa' (a hypostyle hall built adjoining the front of Chandragupta basadi of Ganga times) are the components of the plan of this structure, The 'garbhagriha' houses the seated image of Adinatha flanked by male 'chauri' bearers. A label inscription on the pedestal of this image records that Pochavve, mother of Gangaraja caused this basadi to be built here. A large stone screen containing many interesting incidents of Jaina mythology, is found placed separating the 'rangamandapa' of this basadi and the adjoining Chandragupta basadi.

SASANA BASADI : A structure of misra type i.e., a neatly plastered brick and mortar structure on a well moulded stone plinth. Its plan has a 'garbhagriha', open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of Adinatha of 5' high, 'sukanasi' houses the images of Yaksha Gomukha and Yakshi Chakresvari. The wall decoration on the exterior consists of closely spaced pilasters, 'kapota', 'hara' housing Jaina figures. Gangaraja, the able general of king Vishnuvardhana built this basadi 'Indrakulagriha' and the king granted a village for its upkeep. The basadi has derived its present name becasue of the presence of a large stone inscription of 1118 A.D. in front which states that this structure was built by the mother and wife of Gangaraja in 1118 A.D. The record was engraved ~ by Vardhamanachari alias Gangachari.

SAVATIGANDHAVARANA BASADI : King Vishnuvardhana's chief queen Santaladevi, who had the distinctive epithet 'Savatigandhavarini' ( a rutting elephant to the co­wives) caused a basadi to be built here and enshrined Santinatha (3' 4 ') seated on a lion throne in the year 1123 A.D. Though built by the chief queen of the most powerful Hoysala monarch, architecturally and artistically this basadi has an average quality workmanship. 'Garbhagriha', 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' are the con­stituents of the plan. In the 'sukanasi' are the figures of Sarvahana and Ambika. The 'navaranga' pillars are ordinary and hardly possess the Hoysala elegance. There is also a simple pyramidal 'vimana' -tower to the temple, repaired subsequently.

TERINA BASADI : This has got its name because of the so called 'car-like' masonry stone platform or 'balipitha' in front of it. The plan contains a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' has the image of Bahubali of 5 feet high. The' car' in front of the basadi is called 'mandara'. Two classes of 'mandaras' are known in Jaina tradition viz., 'Nandisvara' and 'Meru'. This "car' belongs to the 'Meru' classHi.It contains the relievos of 52 Jinas alround. This was got carved by Machikabbe and Santikabbe mothers of Hoysala setty and Nemisetty respectively in the year 1117 A.D. The two sons named were the royal merchants of King Vishnuvardhana.

SANTISVARA BASADI : Built probably in 1117 A.D. by Hiri (elder) Echimayya son of Bammanna the elder brother of Gangaraja. Hiri Echimayya was also responsible for constructing the Aregal basadi at Jinanathapura. 'Garbhagriha' open 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga' of 10 pillars, a 'mukhamandapa' are on the plan of this brick basadi. Architecturally this basadi is insignificant. It has the standing image of Santinatha (5' .2" high) which is interesting. The pedestal of the image has the relief of Indra and Sachi, his consort, on their way to consecrate the Tirthankara. Two attendant images of a later period are also found on the two sides. The 'sukanasi' has the usual images of Sarvahana Yaksha and Ambika Yakshi. The Dravidian tower of brick and mortar has lost its original features.

JINANATHAPURA : This village is situated adjacent to Sravanbelgola, north of Chikkabetta. Gangaraja, General of Vishnuvardhana is said to have founded this village in the beginning of XII century A.D. There are two basadis in this village. The first one is the Parsvanatha basadi or Aregal basadi caused to be constructed by Echa, elder brother of Gangaraja, in 1135 A.D. This is a very ordinary temple of the Hoysala style having a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The original image in the 'garbhagriha' is missing. Instead a Parsvanatha image was installed there in 1889 by one Bahubalayya. The temple also contains the loose sculptures of 24 Tirthankaras, Dharanendra, Padmavati, Panchaparamesthis, Navadevatas and Nandi brought from elsewhere.

SANTINATHA BASADI : This basadi situated to the west of the village is the main attraction of this place. This was cqused to be built by 'Vasudaikabandhava' Rechana, a minister of Ballala II in about 1200 A. D. This basadi is, perhaps, the most ornate basadis built in the classical Hoysala ornate style. Excepting the 'vimana'-tower all other components of this temple are preserved. The 'jagati', 'garbhagriha' of stellate plan, 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' are the components of this temple. The wall surface, though basically, rectangular contains many inde~tations. Regular decorations of pilasters, niches with turreted canopies, wall sculptures of average 3' height, meandering creeper scrolls running vertically in the interspaces of closely spaced pilasters are excellently imagined and executed. The subject matter of these figure sculptures, sparing the Tirthankaras, are dancers-male and female, in different poses, Gods and Goddesses, Yakshas and Yakshis, attendants, 'chauri' bearers. All these sculptures and decorative designs_are so beautifully and delicately carved that we find few parallels in the entire gamut of Hoysala sculptures.

In the design and decoration of the interiors also a similar degree of excellence is maintained. The lathe turned pillars of the 'navaranga', the domed ceilings, the wall niches and their turrets are all of superb quality workmanship. The 'garbhagriha' houses the standing image of Santinatha.

HALEBEEDU : Next group of Jaina monuments, built under the Hoysalas can be seen at Dorasamudra or Halebeedu, their capital seat. Here are three basad is built in a row towards the south of the Hoysalesvara temple. These basadis, almost identical in plan and surface treatment, are of Parsvanatha (1133 A. D.), Santinatha (1196 A. D.) and Adinatha (about the same period). The Parsvanatha basadi was constructed by Boppa son of Gangaraja, in 1133 A. D. In the same year son Narasimha was born to Vishnuvardhana. Hence, the king named this basadi as 'Vijaya Parsva'. The plan consists of a 'garbhagriha', 'sukanasi' and 'navaranga'. The 'garbhagriha' houses a tall image of Parsvanatha (14 feet high) with a hooded serpant above his head. The wall surface is treated in a very simple way. The walls are plain with thin pilasters at regular intervals and are devoid of any other decorations. The pillars in the 'navaranga are excellently chiselled and polished. The two other basadis are almost identical to this basadi with minor variations.
HUMCHA : A small town in the Hosanagara taluk of Shimogga district. The other names of this place are, Pombuchcha, Patti-Pombuchcha, Hombuja etc. From the beginning of 8th century A. D. to 16fh century, this place was an active Jaina pilgrim centre. This was also the capital seat of the Santaras of Santalige-1000 province. There are many basad is here found in different stages of preservation. The earliest among them is datable to C 850 A. D. called Paliyakkana basadi, which no longer exists. The remains of Parsvanatha and Hale-basadis are still to be seen. Panchakuta basadi the largest among the basadis here was built in 1077 by Chattaladevi. This basadi is referred to in inscriptions as 'Urdhvitilaka'. In front of this structure is a tall ornate 'manastambha'. Five 'garbhagrihas', built on a common plinth arranged in a row to have a common 'navaranga' and 'mukhamandapa'. The original sculptures of Neminatha, Santinatha and Parsvanatha only are remaining in the 'garbhagrihas'. The basadi has undergone much repairs.
CHIKKA HANASOGE : This place was an important Jaina settlement since the time of the Gangas. After the Gangas, the Chengalvas patronised Jainism here. Adinatha basadi of this place, said to have been installed by Sri Rama was reconstructed by Vira Rajendra Nanni Chengalva Rajendra Chola, a feudatory of the Cholas in XI century A. D. This basadi is a 'Trikutachala' repaired and reconstructed in recent years. The structure is of granite. However, the ornate door frames and the sculptures there in are made out of chloritic schist. The three 'garbhagrihas' house Adinatha, Santinatha and Neminatha. All the 'garbhagrihas' have 'sukanasis' which open to a 'navaranga'. The superstructures on these 'garbhagrihas' are completely lost.

NITTURU : A town in Gubbi tal uk of Tumkur district has an ornate Santisvara basadi of the Hoysala period (c. 12th Century A. D.) .'Garbhagriha" 'sukanasi', 'navaranga' and 'mukhamandapa' are found in this temple. The treatment of the exterior is quite ornate having a moulded 'adhisthana', pilastered wall, niches with turrents, and other floral patterns. The design of the pillars of the 'navaranga' are varied and attractive. The 'bhuvanesvaris' are deep and contain notable decorations. The 'garbhagriha' houses the image of Santinatha.

ARASIKERE : Sahasrakuta Jinalaya of this town is a beautiful Jaina basadi of soap stone built by Dandanayaka Rechimayya, a general of Hoysala king Ballala II in the year 1220 A.D. The sculptor who supervised the work was Namojal7. The plan of the basadi consists of a large 'garbhagriha' with 4 pillars, a 'sukanasi' with three doorways opening to the three bays of the 'navaranga', a 'navaranga', and a 'mukhamandapa'. The 'navaranga' is the most attractive part of the entire scheme. The four central pillars and the nine 'bhuvanesvaris' are of typical Hoysala workmanship. Particularly noteworthy is the central 'bhuvanesvari' which is in the form of a huge inverted lotus flower. The other' bhuvanesvaris' have, besides the usual decorations, unidentified narrative friezes. The 'garbhagriha' in the centre has a 'Sahastrakuta Jina bimba' containing 1008 tiny representations of Jinas carved on a monolithic conventional architectural model. This 'bimba' is inscribed 18 and records that it was installed by Recharasa in 1220 A.D. eminent councillor of Kalachuri dynasty, taking refuge under Ballala II.
The basadi has undergone much repairs. Most parts of the external wall surface is rebuilt. The tower of the basadi is missing.

III-LATER PERIOD (VIJAYANAGAR AND LATER PERIODS)Jainism which enjoyed a highly respectable status under the liberal patron­age of the Hoysalas suffered a set back during the beginning of the Vijayanagara rule. This was apparently due to the sudden emergence of Veerasaivism on the one side and Sri Vaishnavism on the other, which wielded considerable influence on the ruling families of Vijayanagar. However, the cosmopolitan outlook of some of the Vijayanagar rulers helped to maintain religious hormony in the empire sometimes, through personal interference of the kings, to settle the religious conflicts. Inspite of the religious vicissitudes that the Jains experienced, there was no dearth for their creative productions in the field of fine arts. Jaina received support and patronage of people and rulers alike, many new basad is were constructed, many got repaired and received liberal grants. Thus there seems to have been no threat for the peaceful co-existence of this religion under the Vijayanagar kings in southern Karnataka.

There are several inscriptional references for the construction of new Jaina basadis in this region. Besides these the construction of many more basadis have gone unrecorded or unnoticed. The Vijayanagar feudatories like Kongalvas, Changalvas, Gerusoppe rulers, the various mahaprabhus, nayakas, Wodeyars etc., also patronised Jainism liberally, even after the collapse of the central power at Hampi.

Now coming to the study of the Jaina basadis of the Vijayanagar period, it is to be mentioned again here that the general style of architecture of the basadis was in no way dissimilar to the architectural style of the Brahmanical creed. For the understanding of the configuration of the typical Jaina basadis of Vijayanagar period, we may take the plan of the existing Ganagitti Jinalaya at Kamalapura near Hampi. It consists of a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a '.angamandapa', a second 'rangamandapa' and a 'mukhamandapa' all arranged on one axis. The second 'rangamandapa' consists of three doorways, on its three sides. Of them one leads to a 'garbhagriha' on one side and the other two open to the porches. Similarly planned basad is are found at Anegondi and Hampi, thus indicating the fancy of the builders and the people for this type of basadis. All these basadis have a pyramidal 'phamsana' veriety of 'vimana' -towers.
However, this type was not suitable for basadis in coastal Karnataka. Due to the heavy rainfall that this region received annually, the structures were built to withstand the torrential rains. Hence over the regular strong frame work and ceiling of the structure, another storey, generally not funtional, having a lesser height was built, often over a wooden frame work. This was covered by a tiled roof or metal sheets or overlapping stone slabs. Good examples of this are found almost all over south Canara district. In the plan of the structure generally a 'garbhagriha', a 'sukanasi', a 'navaranga', a colonnaded verandah alround serving as a 'pradakshina patha' as well as a porch to prevent the rain from lashing the structure.

Of the Jaina monuments the Ganagitti Jinalaya is perhaps the most complete among the Jaina basadis of the capital. The plan of the structure has already been described. This was constructed in the year 1385 by Iruga, minister of Bukka II, in the reign of Harihara II. The inscription mentions this basadi as 'Kunthu Jinalaya'. The front doorway has a small seated Jina under triple umbrella, is the 'lalata bimba'. Also the brick and mortar parapet in front has similar mutilated stucco Jinas. Rest of the structure is devoid of any decorative carvings.
During the Vijayanagar period, Sravanabelgola, also received royal atten­tion. The Mangayi basadi of C. 1325 A. D. constructed by a lady of that name consists of a 'garbhagriha' a 'sukanasi' and a 'navaranga'. The 'navaranga' has the standing image of Parsvanatha donated by Bhimadevi, queen of Devaraya I (1406­22 A. D.) and a lay disciple of Panditacharya. The monuments of Sravanabelgola of this period on the large hill are Chauvisa Tirthankara basadi (1648 A. D.), Odegal basadi (14th Century A. D.), Chennanna basadi (C.1667 A. D.), Siddhara basadi (C.17-18th Century), Wodeyar mandapa (1634 A. D.) etc.

The best and well preserved Jaina monuments of this period are located in the South Canara district, where a number of beautiful and aesthetically superior and architecturally significant basadis, monolithic Bahubali statues and 'Manastambhas' are available in good numbers. Jainism in this region of Karnataka has a remote antiquity. However. Jainism became a dominant religion only during the late Hoysala and Vijayanagar periods. Popularity and domination of the Vaishnava and Veerasaiva creeds in the Deccan plateau was perhaps, responsible for the migration of JaiDs from the table land to this coastal plains, which place, perhaps, they found more suitable to pursue their religious life without the interference of other dominant religious sects.

Amongst the important Jaina structures of South Canara the Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi at Mudabidre, Chaumukha basadi at Karkala, Santisvara basadi at Venur etc., deserve special attention.

MUDABIDRE : Tribhuvana Chudamani basadi at Mudabidre is the largest of the Jaina basad is of South Canara district. It was built in 1429-30 by the emperor Devaraya II (1446-67). Built inside a double enclosure, this structure has a 'garbhagriha' and three'rangamandapas'. all arranged on the same axis. The halls are named Tirthankaramandapa. Gaddiga mandapa and Chitramandapa. There is also a detatched pavilion in front of the basadi called Bhairadevi mandapa. This was built in the year 1451-52 during the reign of king Devaraya by Gopanna Odeyar.

The interior of the halls of these 'mandapas' contain good number of pillars which are known for their exquisite carvings and versatality of decorative designs. Each pillar in design and decoration, is different from the other and no two pillars appear the same in decoration. There are also friezes of sculptures running alround, identified as scenes from the Jaina Puranas.
KARKALA : Situated about fifteen Kms. from Mudabidre this place is known for its tall monolithic statue of Bahuball, and few Jaina basadis. The Chaumukh or Chaturmukh basadi built in 1587 A.D. is an architecturally interesting structure. The square sanctum has four doorways opening to four directions, and surrounded by a pillared verandah with projecting porches on all the four sides. Each of the doorways of the 'garbhagriha' opens to a row of three Jinas viz., Aranatha, Mallinatha and Munisuvrata the 18th, 19th, and 20th Tirthankaras respectively. All the four sets of idols are carved in blackstone and are identical in size and carvings. The roof of the sanctum is flat, formed of stone slabs the joints of which are covered by stone ribs. The verandah has a sloped roof alround formed of overlapping stone slabs.

VENUR : This place is situated about 20 Kms. from Mudabidre where a few jaina basad is important for their structural specialities are built. Santisvara basadi here, dated 1489 A. D. is a temple built completely out of stone, having a second storey, smaller in size, containing a cella, housing the image of a Jina. This method of building functional cellas over the' garbhagriha' is an age-old practice of Jains in Karnataka as evidenced by the Meguti temple at Aihole and Chavundaraya basadi at Sravanabelgola. This Santisvara basadi also has a beautiful, 'manastambha' in front.

BHATKAL : The Chandranathesvara basadi here is a structure noteworthy for its plan and elevation. The temple faces east. It consists of two structural blocks, eastern and western, both connected by a small porch. The western block has the shrine and two halls built parallelly across the axis of the temple. The halls are provided with perforated screens. This block also has an upper storey covered by a pyramidal roof formed of overlapping stone slabs.

The eastern block which is constructed like a 'dwaramandapa' for the temple, contains in the middle a broad gateway. Built on a moulded stone plinth, it has the wall surface relieved with engaged pillars to support the huge stone beams of the roof. The flat roof with sloped sides is formed of overlapping slabs. There is also a rectangular storey for this block, which also has engaged pillars at regular intervals supporting architraves. The interspaces of the engaged pillars are filled by a wall of laterite bricks. The upper storey is covered by a flat roof of stone slabs with rib-stones covering the joints, and a sloped 'kapota' alround. Perhaps, this is one of the attempts of the architects of this region to provide a suitable 'dwaramandapa' on the lines of the Dravidian 'gopura', which not only suits the surrounding architectural pattern, but also can withstand the torrential rains of the region.

'MANASTAMBHAS'To the class of Jaina monuments of southern Karnataka may be added the colossal 'manastambhas' (huge masonry columns) that are erected in front of the Jaina basadis. They are the counterparts of the Hindu 'Dhvajastambhas' in front of temples like 'Garuda Kambha' and 'Nandi Kambha'. The 'manastambhas' generally consist of three parts viz., a moulded platform, to suit the size of the pillar, monolithic shaft, and the capital or 'Makuta', the crowning member. The platform is masonry in nature, moulded with attractive forms and also sometimes decorated with relievos. The shaft is made of a single stone and designed suitably. The height of the shaft varies from place to place. The shaft carries the capital, abacus and the crowning member. Here the skill and imagination of the artist really makes the difference. Starting from ordinary capital and abacus type to most complicated and ornate crowning members are found carved here. From an ordinary seated sculpture to turreted 'mandapas' with delicate carvings have been found placed on these 'manastambhas'. Four Jinas facing four directions called 'Chaumukha Jinas', are generally placed in these pavilions. Yakshas may sometimes replace the Jinas, but Yakshis are never placed here.

The best specimens of 'manastambhas' considered as frieaks of architectural skill and taste of the Jaina artists can be seen at Sravanabelgola, Kambadahalli, Halebeedu, Humcha, Hiriyangadi, Karkala, Mudabidre, Mulki and other places in southern Karnataka.