Early Buddhism in South India and Sri Lanka

By Rajitha Weerakoon

Sri Lanka, having preserved Buddhism in its purest form since its introduction in 236 BC, was undisputedly the key player in the 2600th Sambuddhathva Jayanthi celebrations. But what caused Buddhism to flourish in Sri Lanka as opposed to the country of the Buddha’s birth where Buddhism has little relevance today?

The cause for this contrasting outcome was traced by Professor Sudharshan Seneviratne, the Head of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Peradeniya and former Director-General of the Central Cultural Fund during a lecture tour in Chennai some years back when he spoke on “The social base of early Buddhism in South India and Sri Lanka”. During a subsequent interview, he spoke about the shared historical legacy of Sri Lanka and Southern India when he identified the social formations in the two countries at the time of the early spread of Buddhism and the period prior to this era. His study was based on historical and archaeological research.

Tracing the technological, cultural and subsistence patterns between Sri Lanka and South India, Professor Seneviratne travelled back to prehistoric times, long before the birth of ideologies so the picture of the gradual development was clear. He stated that some very early sites from the Middle Stone Age of the Megalithic Period discovered in Sri Lanka dating to around 30,000BC (which have been extensively cross-dated) suggest that the settlers may have descended from India. Sites discovered had been identified as similar to those in Tirunaveli District and elsewhere in the southern most parts of India.

The next is the period around 1000 BC when the intrusions took place in the early Iron Age at the time the Protohistoric Megalithic black and redware culture existed. But the critical elements that kicked off the beginnings of history in Sri Lanka Professor Seneviratne stated was the commencement of the use of metal and ceramics, the introduction of domesticated varieties of animals and plants especially paddy and the initiation of the earliest village culture with small crafts like bead and pottery-making taking place.

The most interesting aspects of this culture he pointed out were the introduction of burial cults or the memorials. The associated ceramic ware called black and redware bear the postfiring graffitti marks. This phase continued into the early historical period, chronologically identified as the 4th and the 3rd centuries BC when North Indian ideologies like Buddhism and Jainism entered South India and Sri Lanka.

Trade routes
Archaeological evidence from Amaravati, an ancient city which was situated in Southern India, where luxury items such as Northern black polishedware were discovered reveal that there were intrusions from Northern India to the South prior to the Mauryan period. These movements had taken place between the 6th century BC – the time of the Buddha and the 3rd century BC through the Southern trade routes. The Dhakshinapatha or the Southern trade routes mentioned even in Kautilya’s Arthsastra were functioning along the east coast of India’s looping trade network. The long-distance trade network was coming from the Gangetic delta to the South touching Sri Lanka. Ideologies were travelling along these trade routes. The episode of the trading brothers – Thapassu and Bhalluka, documented as the first to be converted by Buddha during His Lifetime who after the conversion and their trade deals arrived in Sri Lanka and built the first sthupa – Thiriyaya, illustrates this point.

According to Professor Seneviratne, either specialized traders were carrying trading items or there was a down-the-line exchange where items were moving on their own from community to community and from one centre to another. The chank (conch) shell, a specific luxury item found in the Gulf of Mannar was found in the Northern Indian excavated sites. The trade of pearls, again from the Gulf of Mannar is mentioned in early Indian Pali texts. Later, the Jataka stories make mention of the long distance trade network. By the 3rd century BC which was the Mauryan Period in India, inscriptions of Settis – the merchant bankers were found in Amaravati.

Professor Seneviratne attributes the flow of ideologies from Northern India to the trade network. What perhaps the Mauryan Empire did however was to become a catalyst and provide a greater fillip for the more organised expansion of Buddhism. Monks were travelling as missionaries or groups of people were taking the message of the Buddha with the clout of the Mauryan Empire. The adoption of the title of Devanampiya (Beloved of the Gods) by the then rulers – the epithet given to Asoka, suggests this.

There were suggestions that some of the Kerala chieftains took titles that translated as Devanampiya. In the inscriptions of the Adiyamans in the Northern areas of Tamilnadu, the Adiyamans called themselves as Sathyaputhra, which was the name given in Asokan inscriptions to “southern neighbours.”

The intrusion of Buddhism in the 4th and the 3rd centuries BC from Northern India brought not only a doctrine but also a whole new culture – a new language medium, may be even a script, a new way of living, architectural constructions and technology.

During the Mauryan Era in the meantime, there was a shift of human settlements in South India from the peripheral hills towards the plains and the river valleys of Krishna, the Cauvery and the Tamirapani in the East. This may have happened probably for greater agricultural production to a kind of demand situation with specialisation of products coming in.

Spread of ideologies
With the southern expansion of the Mauryan Empire, the long-distance trade routes expanded. The Northern Indian ideologies thus flowed out to the South with the Jains, the Ajivakas and the Buddhist clergy moving along the trade-routes, some along with merchants mingling with the people. They had to preach to a settled agricultural society as the teachings would not have had any relevance to a hunting-gathering society. Professor Seneviratne stated that in South India however, Buddhist practices changed over the years from those practised in Sri Lanka due to the emergence of Mahayanism and the resurgence of Brahminic practices. Mahayanism had a social appeal at a personal level. But unlike Mahayanism, Brahmanism incorporated the pre-Buddhist cults and deities into its fold more effectively, particularly during the time of land grants of the feudal period. Under Brahminism, it is suggested that priests may have started the process of land reclamation for agriculture. With tribal areas having all kinds of cult practices, the Brahmin priests may have moved into such socially backward areas as these were locations where they were able to practise their doctrine.

The Buddhist clergy on the other hand who were countering such practices could not move into these areas, away from their main base – the urban centres. And with more and more South Indian rulers opting for a Brahminic identity, state patronage to Buddhism gradually decreased. Thus along with the shift of trade patterns, Buddhism in South India came to an end.

Whereas in Sri Lanka, Professor Seneviratne stated, the picture totally differed as Theravada Buddhism was faithfully practised by the more orthodox Sri Lankans. Mahayanism introduced much later found it difficult to compete with the Theravada Buddhism. And unlike in South India, Sri Lanka did not have a strong tradition of pre-Buddhist cults and practices and what existed was incorporated successfully into Buddhism. Buddhist monks in Sri Lanka not only visited urban areas but also ventured into remote areas and hills along trade routes.

The monasteries by the first to the 3rd centuries AD which had expanded in Sri Lanka incorporated all the areas into their network and thus ran huge establishments even carrying on trade in order that these provided the sustenance while the state continued to be their chief patron.

The Gymnosophists of Ancient India

Gymnosophists is the name (meaning "naked philosophers") given by the Greeks to certain ancient Indian philosophers who pursued asceticism to the point of regarding food and clothing as detrimental to purity of thought (sadhus or yogis).They were probably the Naga Sadhus who are still in existence and are considered as the devotees of Lord Shiva.


The Digambar Jain monks in India even now remain unclothed; they have been identified as the gymnosophists by several researchers,.[1][2] Xuanzang mentions having come across Digambar Jain monks in Taxila during his 7th century CE visit to India,[3] in the same Punjab region where Alexander encountered the gymnosophists.


The term is first used by Plutarch  in the 1st century CE, when describing an encounter by Alexander the Great with ten gymnosophists in Punjab.

He (Alexander) captured ten of the Gymnosophists who had done most to get Sabbas to revolt, and had made the most trouble for the Macedonians. These philosophers were reputed to be clever and concise in answering questions, and Alexander therefore put difficult questions to them, declaring that he would put to death him who first made an incorrect answer, and then the rest, in an order determined in like manner; and he commanded one of them, the oldest, to be the judge in the contest. The first one, accordingly, being asked which, in his opinion, were more numerous, the living or the dead, said that the living were, since the dead no longer existed. The second, being asked whether the earth or the sea produced larger animals, said the earth did, since the sea was but a part of the earth. The third, being asked what animal was the most cunning, said: "That which up to this time man has not discovered." The fourth, when asked why he had induced Sabbas to revolt, replied: "Because I wished him either to live nobly or to die nobly." The fifth, being asked which, in his opinion, was older, day or night, replied: "Day, by one day"; and he added, upon the king expressing amazement, that hard questions must have hard answers. Passing on, then, to the sixth, Alexander asked how a man could be most loved; "If," said the philosopher, "he is most powerful, and yet does not inspire fear." Of the three remaining, he who was asked how one might become a god instead of man, replied: "By doing something which a man cannot do"; the one who was asked which was the stronger, life or death, answered: "Life, since it supports so many ills." And the last, asked how long it were well for a man to live, answered: "Until he does not regard death as better than life." So, then, turning to the judge, Alexander bade him give his opinion. The judge declared that they had answered one worse than another. "Well, then," said Alexander, "thou shalt die first for giving such a verdict." "That cannot be, O King," said the judge, "unless thou falsely saidst that thou wouldst put to death first him who answered worst."

—Plutarch, Life of Alexander, "The parallel lives," 64., ^[4]

Diogenes Laertius (ix. 61 and 63) refers to them, and reports that Pyrrho of Elis, the founder of pure scepticism, came under the influence of the Gymnosophists while travelling to India with Alexander, and on his return to Elis, imitated their habits of life; however, the extent of their influence is not described.
Strabo says that gymnosophists were religious people among the Indians (XVI,I), and otherwise divides Indian philosophers into Brahmans and Sramanas (XV,I,59-60), following the accounts of Megasthenes. He further divides the Sramanas into "Hylobioi" (forest hermits, c.f. Aranyaka) and "Physicians."

Of the Sarmanes, the most honourable, he says, are the Hylobii, who live in the forests, and subsist on leaves and wild fruits: they are clothed with garments made of the bark of trees, and abstain from commerce with women and from wine.

—Strabo XV, I,60

Of the Sarmanes (...) second in honour to the Hylobii, are the physicians, for they apply philosophy to the study of the nature of man. They are of frugal habits, but do not live in the fields, and subsist upon rice and meal, which every one gives when asked, and receive them hospitably. (...) Both this and the other class of persons practise fortitude, as well in supporting active toil as in enduring suffering, so that they will continue a whole day in the same posture, without motion.

—Strabo XV, I,60

Philo mentions the Gymnosophists twice in the course of listing foreign ascetics and philosophers who are, in his estimation, "prudent, and just, and virtuous" and therefore truly free:

And among the Indians there is the class of the gymnosophists, who, in addition to natural philosophy, take great pains in the study of moral science likewise, and thus make their whole existence a sort of lesson in virtue.

—Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, 74

But it is necessary for us...to bring forward as corroborative testimonies the lives of some particular good men who are the most undeniable evidences of freedom. Calanus was an Indian by birth, one of the gymnosophists; he, being looked upon as the man who was possessed of the greatest fortitude of all his contemporaries, and that too, not only by his own countrymen, but also by foreigners, which is the rarest of all things, was greatly admired by some kings of hostile countries, because he had combined virtuous actions with praiseworthy language.

—Philo Judaeus, Every Good Man is Free, 92-93.

In the 2nd century CE, the Christian theologian Clement of Alexandria distinguishes the Gymnosophists, the philosophers of the Indians, from the Sramanas, "the philosophers of the Bactrians":

Philosophy, then, with all its blessed advantages to man, flourished long ages ago among the barbarians, diffusing its light among the gentiles, and eventually penetrated into Greece. Its hierophants were the prophets among the Egyptians, the Chaldeans among the Assyrians, the Druids among the Galatians, the Sramanas of the Bactrians, and the philosophers of the Celts, the Magi among the Persians who announced beforehand the birth of the Saviour, being led by a star till they arrived in the land of Judaea, and among the Indians the Gymnosophists, and other philosophers of barbarous nations.

—Clement of Alexandria, Stromata 1.15.71 (ed. Colon. 1688 p. 305, A, B).

1. Jacquetta Hopkins Hawkes, The Atlas of Early Man, St. Martin's Press, 1993.
2. Professor A.L. Basham, My Guruji, Sachindra Kumar Maity, 1997.
3. Bhanwarlal Nathuram Luniya, Life and Culture in Ancient India: From the Earliest Times to 1000 A.D. Lakshmi Narain Agarwal publisher,1978,
4. Life of Alexander, 64

2. Buddhist Councils

Appendix2

Buddhist Councils

The Buddha's parinibbana was a critical moment for the Dhamma and its followers. How the Buddha's teaching could be preserved for the future, was a problem for his prominent disciples. Some disciples, like Subhadda, ¹ felt that, with the death of the Buddha, they could interpret the Dhamma according to their own wishes. This attitude was viewed with alarm by the more loyal and erudite disciples who immediately thought of summoning a council where the word of the buddha could be established and where steps could be taken for its preservation and propagation. The task assigned to this Council was to decide the Dhamma and Vinaya of the Buddha. ²

Arrangements were made for this to be held at Rajagaha, near the Saptaparni cave under the presidency of Mahakassapa commencing from the second month of the Vassava season, i.e. in the fourth month after the Buddha's death. ³ Five hundred Arhat bhikkhus participated in it. Ananda, ⁴ who was yet a saiksa, attained arhathood (asaiksa) just on the eve of the Council, and he palyed a prominent part in the establishment of the texts of the Sutta Pitaka.

The decisions at the Council were not altogether unanimous. For instance, Gavampati, a senior arhat of the time, abstained from approving or disapproving the decisions of the Council, while Purana denounced the Council's decisions and urged the incorporation of the seven Vinaya rules. ⁵ Whatever that may be, the accounts of Gavampati and Purana indicate the germs of schism in the order even at that early date-R. C. Majumdar says "This was a danger signal for the Church." ⁶

The sources of the First Council are (1) The Cullavagga, XI, of the Pali Vinaya, (2) The Dipavamsa, (3) The Mahavamsa, (4) Buddhaghosa's introduction to the Sumanga-lavilasini, (5) Mahabodhivamsa, (6) Mahavastu, (5) Manjusrimulakalpa, (6) The Tibetan sources:--Bu-ston's Chos. Bbyung (History of Buddhism), translated into English by Obermiller, and Taranatha's History of Buddhism, (7) Chinese sources but derived from the Sanskrit sources: The Vinaya of Mahisasakas, Dharmaguptas, Mahasanghikas, Sarvastivadins, Kasyapa samgitisutra (Kai-ye-kie-king), Asokavadana (A-yu-wang-king), Mahaprajnaparamitasastra, Parinirvana-sutra, and Hiuen Tsang's Record of western countries.

As regards the authenticity of the First Council, the Russian savant I. P. Minayeff ⁷ appears to be the first to investigate and establish the historicity of the event in 1887. Oldenberg refuted his opinion in 1898 and said that the First Council was nothing but pure fiction. His argument is that Subhadda's account is referred to in the Cullavagga and Mahaparinibbanasutta, (Digha. 2. 3) but the latter is silent about the Council. This silence, according to him, "is as valuable as the most direct testimony: it shows that the author of the Mahaparinibbanasutta did not know anything of the First Council. "He then concludes that it is not a fact, "but pure invention, and moreover an invention of no very ancient date." ⁸

Rockhill reviewed Oldenberge's view in 1884 on the basis of Tibetan sources and remarked that "the authenticity of the council of Rajagaha has been doubted on insufficient grounds. ⁹ But T. W. Rhys Davids seems to have uphelp Oldenberg's view. He says "The conclusion drawn by oldenberg is atleast the easiest and readiest way of explaining the very real discrepancy that he has pointed out. ¹⁰ R. O. Franke declares emphatically against the First Council that "the two accounts in the Cullavagga xi, xii, are but air-bubbles." ¹¹ Among later scholars, Sukumar Dutta expresses his view thus--"The account of the First Council is only a legend of this invented character, seizing, as a peg to hang on, the Subhadda story in the Mahaparinibbana narrative. ¹²

But all these views are one-sided and baed on merely the absence of any reference to it in the Mahaparinibbanasutta. As a matter of fact, the Mahaparinibbanasutta is concerned with the account of the Buddha's parinibbana and not the history of the Order. The Vinaya, of course, is related to the history of the Buddhistic order and therefore an account of the First Council has a legitimate place in it. Likwise the Dipavamsa mentions the First Council, but not Subhadda's account. Tibetan Dulva also does the same.

Finot ¹³ pointed out that chapters XI and XII of the Cullavagga, which contain an account of the two councils, have such an abrupt beginning unlike the other chapters of the Cullavagga that they could not have been originally a part of this work. He further points out that the Mahaparinibbanasutta also differs from the other Suttas of the Dighanikaya in the nature of its contents, being more historical in character,and that the Mahaparinibbanasutta and the two chapters (XI, XII) of Cullavagga are so similar in nature that they must have been originally parts of one and the same work. In support of this contention of his, he refers to a work entitled Samyuktavastu (Nanjio 1121), the Vinaya of the Mula-Sarvastivadins, which contains the account of both parinibbana and the Councils, and concludes therefrom that the There-vadins too had a work corresponding to the Samyukta-vastu, and that it was disembered at a later date by the ancient editors of Nikayas and Vinaya. ¹⁴

Obermiller, ¹⁵ Poussin, ¹⁶ Prazyluski ¹⁷ also support the authenticity of the First Council Jacobi urged that it was not essential for the Mahaparinibbanasutta to go out of its way to describe the Council. He then remarked that mere argu-mentum es silentio cannot be accepted against the historicity of the First council. ¹⁸

Assessing the different viows of scholars regarding the authenticity of the First Buddhist Council of Rajagaha, we find that no reliable evidence is available to reject its validity. The Gavampati and Purana accounts contain the parts of the Buddha's teaching which they accepted. We cannot therefore think of it as a pure invention. Thus all accounts favour the acceptance of the First Council as a historical event.

As regards its cotribution to the evolution of the Pali Canon, it is, however, difficult to accept the traditional conception, which asserts that the whole Dhamma and Vinaya were recited in the First Council. The Sumaganlavilasini ¹⁹ further adds that not only Dhamma and Vinaya, but also the Abhidhamma was finalised in this very Council. How was it possible to compile the whole of the Sutta and Vinaya along with the Abhidhamma within about two months?

Poussin is inclined to think that the Council could not but be regarded as an enlarged Patimokkha assembly. ²⁰

Minayeff asserts that the accounts of the Council contain two clearly distinguishable parts, of which the one that speaks of the compilation of the Canon must belong to a period posterior to the rise of the sects. ²¹ Nalinaksa Dutt is of opinion that the Council was summoned to decide the less important rules of discipline (khuddakanukhuddakani sikkhapadani) which were sanctioned by the Buddha himself. ²²

The Dipavamsa presents a more probable account: "The Bhikkhus composed the collection of Dhamma and Vinaya, by asking the Thera called Ananda regarding the Dhamma. There Mahakassapa and the great teacher Anurudha, Thera Upali of powerful memory, and learned Anauda, as well as many other distinguished disciples who had been praised by the Buddha....made this council." Here the Dhamma and Vinaya mean selected groups of the original Suttas and doctrines, not the whole present Pali Tipitaka.

(b) The Second Council

Hundred years after the death of the Buddha (vassasata-parinibbute Bhagavati), the Second Council was held in Vesali to recite again the Dhama and the Vinaya. Seven hundred monks participated in this council. It is also therefore called Saptasatika.

The accounts of the Second Council

The accounts of this council state that Yasa Thera was shocked when he came to know about the relaxing of monastic rules and the acceptance by some monks of the ten heretical practices (dasa vatthuni). ²³ But as Yasa Therea opposed them, he was excommunicated (patisaraniyakamma). Yasa then went in search of monks who would agree with his views. He further tried to bring the dispute to a peaceful end. For this purpose a Council was summoned at Vesali in Valikarama under the presidency of Thera Revata. All these ten points were considered unlawful according to tradition. This council lasted eight months during which the Dhamma and Vinaya were discussed. The heretical monks then arranged a separate council called Mahasamgiti making a different redaction of the Canonical literature. ²⁴

Main Sources

The main sources of the seconf council are: (1) the cullavagga of the Vinayapitaka, (2) Dipavamsa, (3) Mahavamsa, (4) Samantapasadika, (5) Hiuen Tsang's Record of Western countries (6) Tibetan Dulva, Taranatha's Geschichted's Buddhismus in Indien, ubersetz von Schifener, and other Chinese sources differ in some respects, but the Cullavagga's record is the oldest one and the others appear to be based on it.

Historicity of the Council.

The historicity of this council is now accepted unanimously by the scholars. Kern raised an objection saying "We could not discover in these accounts anything but dogmatic fictions for which didactic mythical stories of older times have furnisbed the materials. ²⁵ But in another work he altered his conception stating "The council on Vinaya in Vaisali has historical base." ²⁶ Oldenberg, who denied the First Council, accepted the Second Council. He says: "It is an account, which with all its pedantic snatching after trifles, bears the stamp of being in the highest degree trustworthy. ²⁷

It should be noted here that the debatable points were settled after discussions, most probably on the basis of some authoritative works. But Majumdar is of the view that the present Vinaya could not have been compiled before the Second Council was held, or otherwise the dispute over the monastic rules could not have arisen among the monks at that stage.

We are inclined to accept the traditional view that both the Dhamma and the Vinaya were recited at the Vesali Council. The Dhamma comprises the Nikayas which are the earliest and most reliable sources of the Buddhist doctrines. Whether any finality was reached regarding the structure and contents of the Pitakas ar not, we may not be able to decide due to the lack of necessary evidence available to us. But it is most unlikely that a Council summoned to settle a dispute in monastic Order, which was threatening the unity of the Buddhist Order, was concluded without a review of the body of doctrines preserved by the monks.

The Third Council

Up to the time of Asoka Buddhism became very popular and easier to follow than the original teachings of Buddha. It is said that the heretics in monk's robes used to live in Buddhist monasteries and preach their own dhamma in the name of Buddhism. Under such circumstances the monastic rules were slackened and the Uposatha and the Pavarana could not be held for about seven years. The Great king Asoka somehow came to know of this corruption among the Buddhist monks and then sent a religious officer to conduct Uposatha and Pavarana ceremony. He then out throats of several monks. Asoka was much disturbed by this Moggali-putta, Tissa, however, came into contact with Asoka and a solution was found.

This was the background for the third council held in Pataliputra under the presidency of Moggaliputta Tissa. It is referred to in the Dipavamsa, Mahavamsa and Samantapasadika. It is recorded in the Tibetan Dulva and some Chinese sources too. But the Cullavagga does not give an account of the third Council. Asoka's inscriptions also make no reference to it.

Historicity of the Council

Some scholars like Minayeff, Keith, Franke, etc. deny it historicity. Their main argument is that it is not mentioned in the Cullavagga, one of the earliest scriputures and in the Asoka's inscriptions. Keith, for example, says: "It is incredible that it ever took place without receiving some mention in the numerous records of Asoka." ²⁸ In the buddhist Philosophy he says: "the only verdict of scientific history must be that the council was a figment of the pious or fraudulent imaginings of a sect, which desired to secure for its texts, and espcially for the new Abhidhamma, a connection with the greatest Buddhist sovereigns, and that the northern tradition does well to ignore the Council entirely." ²⁹ He even thinks of Tissa in a "Suspicious aspect." ³⁰

As regards the absence of any record in Asoka's inscriptions, it can be said that Asoka would have preferred to attach the name of Moggaliputta Tissa to this council since it was the result of his invaluable efforts. Asoka was only the supporter and provider of the purpose.

Actually some of his edicts indicate that this Council did take place. In one of his edicts, for example, King Asoka decrees that heretical monks and nuns shall be excommunicated. ³¹ G. C. Pande rightly suggests that Asoka might not have been "as intimately connected with the Council as the Pali tradition would have us believe." ³²

It was only the Vibhajjavadins or the Theravadins who attended this Council. A rift in the Buddhist order took place after the Second Council and by the time of Asoka it was divided into eighteen sects, ³³ which were refuted by Vibhajjavadins in this great Council.

Thus on the basis of above literary as well as inscriptional evidences, we cannot deny the historicity of the Third Council held in Pataliputra under the presidency of Moggaliputta Tiss.

Other Councils

Other Councils also were summoned for various purposes at different times. The Fourth Council was held under the auspices of Kaniska in about 100 A. D. According to the Mahavamsa and Other Ceylones traditions, three Councils were held in Ceylon. The First was held during the reign of kind Devanampiya Tissa (247 - 207 B. C.) under the presidency of the Venerable Arittha Thera. The Second Council was held during the time of King Vattagamini Abhaya (about 101-77 B. C.) under the presidency of Mahathera Rakkhita and the Canon was reduced to writing. It was held at the Alu-Vihara in the village of Matale in Ceylon. The Third Council was conducted in 1865 at Ratnapura in Ceylon under the presidency of the Venerable Hikkaduve siri Sumangala. Two Councils have been held in Thailand (Siam). Some Councils were summoned in Burma too. The so-called Fifth Council held in Mandelay is very important, as the text of the Canon fixed at this Council was engraved on marble slabs which for the last so many years had proved to be the most reliable record of the buddhist Canon. The Sixth Buddhist Council was inaugurated in May 1954 in Rangoon with the collaboration of the various countries of the Buddhist world.

C.M. Ramachandran Chettiar: A Great Tamil Scholar

-G. Satyamurty

C.M. Ramachandran Chettiar's contribution to the Tamil literary world is substantial. G. Satyamurty recollects the tremendous work done by this scholar from Coimbatore

There was no activity related to Tamil and religion in Coimbatore for more than five decades that he did not associate himself with. The author of more than 60 published works and many more yet to see the light of the day, C.M. Ramachandran Chettiar's writings included short stories, essays, poems, drama and a book on history. Fondly called “Kovai kizhar”, he was a Tamil encyclopedia. Marudhachala Adigalar of Perur Aadheenam, in his preface to a recent book on Chettiar, authored by C.R. Elangovan, points out that Chettiar's contribution to the literary world was notable.

He was the first to write a history of Kongu Region. His “Siruvar Sivagnanam”, is on Saiva philosophy. His “Idhuvo Engal Kovai” and “Engal Naatuppuram” delineate the culture and lifestyle of Coimbatore. His “Koyil poonaigal”, “Kaaterumai” and “Veeteli” ridicule the foibles of society. Lamentably, a number of his works are still in manuscript form in Perur Tamil Kalloori library.

Elangovan describes him as a historian, epigraphist, excellent litterateur and an administrator of spiritual institutions, and regrets that much of Chettiar's service to Coimbatore and the literary world remains unknown to this day.

Born on Nov 30, 1888, in an affluent family , Chettiar began his education in London Mission School, Coimbatore.

He did his B.A at Presidency College. His love for Tamil was nurtured by U.V. Swaminatha Iyer, affectionately called “Thamizh thatha”, who was a doyen of Tamil literature in the early part of 20{+t}{+h} century.

Chettiar won accolades even as a college student for his speech on “Kamba Ramayanamum , Kandhapuranaum” which he delivered in the presence of Maraimalai Adigal, another savant of the Tamil literary world.

He contributed substantially to the promotion of education—by helping establish schools and libraries. A member of the Chennai Manuscript Centre and also Thanjavur Saraswathi Mahal Library, he was an expert in reading and publishing works written on palm leaves. He headed the District Library Authority, too. He became a member of the Senate of Madras University in 1943 and 1946.

The Kongu factor

His “Kongu Nattu Varalaru” is a well documented book on Kongu Region.

Chettiar recalled the Purananooru poems of Enicheri Mudamosiyar, Kovoorkizhar and Maangudi Marudhanar, and pointed out that Senggundram Kiahzar, Ponmudiyar, Perundhalai Chattanar, Andhikeeranar, Karuvurkadhapillai, Karuvur Perunchathukatthu Boothanar and Karuvur Kosanar all hailed from the Kongu region. He compiled the salient features of literary works of Jains in this region including “Perungadhai”, “Nannool”, “Silappadhikara urai” of Adiyarku Nallar, Kongu Mandala Sadhagam and also “Sadhagam” “Kuravanchi” “Kovai Pillai Thamizh ”.

He became the Secretary of the Kovai Thamizh Sangham founded by his teacher, the Tamil scholar Thiruchittrambalam Pillai, and in his tenure helped publish a number of significant literary works. Apart from inviting great Tamil scholars to Coimbatore, Kovai Kizhar also conducted special examinations in Tamil. Chettiar authored “Kadavul vanakkam”, “Ilaignar padalgal', “Sundararum Kongunaadum”, “Thiruperur Aaraychi”and ”Marudhamalai maanmiyam”. He published a monthly magazine called “Kongu Malar” which became the literary voice of the region between 1934 and 37.It accommodated the history, the litterateurs and the spiritual centres of the Kongu region.

Treasure trove

Elangovan terms “Kongu Malar” a treasure trove of research work. Chettiar was its editor for almost five years. He also edited “Siddhantham”, a magazine brought out by Saiva Siddhantha Samajam of Chennai, from 1947 to 1953.

Another significant contribution was the publication of literary treasures that lay hidden in the palm leaves and old manuscripts. Thus came into being works such as “Chozhan poorva pattayam”, “Kongu desa rasakkal” and “Perur Kovai”.

With the help of the first Union Finance Minister, R.K. Shanmugham Chetty, Chettiar established a Tamil college at the Perur Aadhenam premises in 1953. He became its Principal later and even in his old age, he used to take classes at least once a week.

Tamil giants like Thiru.Vi.Ka., R.P. Sethupillai, Kavimani Desiga Vinayagam Pillai and Gnaniar Swamigal were his good friends. Chettiar was immensely interested in geography, and was awarded Fellowship in the Royal Geographical Society.

Summing up his life, Chettiar said, “I remained always contented and had peace of mind. Though I was not very affluent, neither did I suffer poverty. I earned enough and left it to my offspring to live in peace. I always remained healthy as well.”

He breathed his last on Dec 3, 1969.

Article Courtesy: The Hindu

Antiquity of Jainism

1. The Historical Background

1.1 Antiquity of Sramana System

Sixth Century B.C.

The Brahmanas were dominant in society during the period of the Nigantha Nataputta and the Buddha. Their ritualism was represented by the priest who "vigorously claimed that the welfare and, indeed, the very existence of the world, including even the gods, depended upon the maintenance of their systems of sacrifice, which grew to immense size and complexity." ¹ Their "rites and ceremonies multiplied and absorbed man's mind to a degree unparalleled in the history of the world and literature occupied itself with the description or discussion of the dreary ceremonial." ²

Vedic System

The Brahmanical religious system had its beginning in early Vedic literature. The term Brahmana is derived from the root brh to grow, expand, evolve, develop, swell the spirit or soul. ³ The priests, who were the custodians of such prayers, assumed a very high degree of spiritual supremacy in Vedic society and were considered to be the very progeny of Prajapati, the creator - God (Brahmano viprasya Prajapaterva a patymiti Brahmano). For the sole purpose of preserving spiritual leadership the Brahmanas evolved a system of very elaborate sacrifices. These sacrifices were considered to be eternal and even the creation of the world was believed to be the result of a sacrifice. The rites were performed both to gain worldly enjoyment and to injure one's enemies.

Later Vedic literature

In later Vedic literature the value of the actual sacrifices was transferred to their symbolic representation and to meditation on them. ⁴ Later on, Upanisadic thinkers observed that the nature of soul could be described only in negative terms; the atman was said to be neither this nor that (neti neti), and was regarded as free from sin, old age, death, grief, hunger, and thirst. Its desires were true. Its cognitions were true. A man who knows such atman gets all his desires and all worlds. ⁵ The soul or Brahman pervaded all objects of the universe. The universe has come out of Brahman.

Thus "we find the simple faith and devotion of the Vedic hymns, on the one hand, being sup planted by the growth of a complex system of sacrificial rites, and on the other, bending their course towards a mon otheistic or philosophic knowledge of the ultimate reality of the universe." ⁶

The social outlook and the goal of life of the Vedic system were based on the caste system. The so-called Sudras, the lower community, were considered ineligible to perform spiritual rites. ⁷

Sramana System

There prevailed, at that time, another stream of cultural current which was quite independent of the Brahmanical or Vedic current and, probably older than it.

The word Sramana is derived from "Sram" to exert effort, labour, or to perform austerity, but is mixed in meaning with Sam a wandered, recluse. ⁸ One who performs acts of mortification or austerity is called Sramana (Sramayati tapasyatiti Sramanah). ⁹

The Sramana cultural system was based on equality. According to it, a being is himself responsible for his own deeds. Salvation, therefore, can be obtained by anybody. The cycle of rebirth to which every individual was subjected was viewed as the cause and substratum of misery. The goal of every person was to evolve a way to escape from the cycle of rebirth. Each school of Sramanas preached its own way of salvation. But they all agreed in one respect, namely, in discounting ritual as a means of emancipation and establishing a path of moral, mental and spiritual development as the only means of escaping from the misery of sam sara.

Thus the Vedic cultural system differs from Sramana cultural system in three respects; viz. (a) attitude to society, (b) goal of life, and (c) outlook towards living creatures. Consequently, both these cults were so opposed to each other that Panini and Patanjali referred to them as having Sasvat-virodha and Govyaghravat-virodha.

Independent origin of the Saramana cultural system

There are two principal theories in regard to the origin of the Sramana cult: according to one (1) It is more or less a protest against the orthodox Vedic cult, and, according to the other (2) It is of an independent origion. The first theory, though supported by Winternitz, Rhys David, E. Leunman etc., is no longer accepted by the majority of Jain scholars. ¹²

From the survey of various theories about the origin of the Sramana cultural system Deo came to the conclusion that each of them stresses a particular aspect, such as, (1) Ksatriya protest, (2) Organised sophistic wanderers, (3) The qualities of the Brahmacarin, (4) Copy of the Brahmanical rules for sanyasa, and (5) The existence of Magadhan religion in the eastern part of India. All these factors, he says, "helped the formation of the great wandering community of the Sramanas. But Deo places greater emphasis on the Ksatriya protest against the Brahmanical sacrifices. He says "The Sramanas did reveal anti-Brahmanical feelings as they were dissatisfied with the degenerated Brahmin priesthood." ¹³

But this conclusion is not altogether correct, since we find very strong evidence, both literary and archeological, which proves, beyond doubt, that the Sramana cultural system as practised by the Jainas or the so-called Vratyas ¹⁴ of Vedic literature, existed prior to Brahmanism. The great antiquity of the Sramana religious system has received less attention from scholars due to the fact that in historical times the Brahmana cult appeared to be more influential and widespread. The emergence of the Sramana cultural system at this time was only a revival of an ancient religious system. This gaining of influence had been made possible through protests against the ritualism of the Brahmanas. That is why some scholars assumed the origin of Sramana cultural system to be a result of the protest against the Brahmanical sacrifices.

Classification of Sramanas

The Sramanas (Samana in Pali) are classified in various ways. The Sutta Nipata refers to four kinds, viz. the Maggajinas, Maggadesakas or Maggadesins, Maggajivinas, and the Maggadusins. ¹⁵ Disputes arose among them ¹⁶ and a number of philosophical schools had already arisen by the time of the Buddha. These schools are generally designated as Ditthi. ¹⁷ The sixty-two wrong views (Micchaditthi) referred to by the Buddha in the Brahmajalasutta represent the teachings of such schools.

In the same work, Sramanas are called disputatious (vadasila), ¹⁸ and are classified under three headings, viz. Titthiyas, Ajivikas, and the Niganthas. These were recognised as rivals of Buddhism. The Tamil tradition also observed the same classification, viz. Anuvadins (Pakudha Keccayana's sect), Ajivikas, and the Jainas. ¹⁹

The Thananga, ²⁰ a Svetambara Jain canonical work, gives as many as five divisions of the Samana class, viz. Nigantha, Sakka, Tavasa, Geruya, and Ajiva. Here Sakka means the Buddhist, and Ajiva means the Ajivika, the followers of Makkhali Gosalaka. No accounts are found regarding the Geruya who wore red clothes and Tavasa who were Jatadhari and lived in forest. ²¹ The Ajivakas are no more. Only the Niganthas and the Buddhists have survived the vicissitudes of history.

Common features of the Sramanas

The Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms defines Sramana as follows: "Ascetics of all kinds: the Samanai or Samanaoi or Germanai of the Greeks, perhaps identical also with the Tungusian Samana or Sramana." Further it presents the common features of Sramana: "He must keep well the truth, guard well every uprising (of desires), be uncontaminated by outward attractions, be merciful to all and impure to none, be not allotted to joy nor harrowed by distress, and able to bear whatever may come."

The Buddha also says that to be Acelaka (naked) is not the only characteristic of a real Samana. According to him the real Sramana is he who has got rid of covetousness, ignorance, and mastered the four Bhavanas, viz. Friendliness, Compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity. ²² At another place he says: "The real Samana is he who has acquired a perfectly purified conduct in speech, thought and mode of living, by controlling the sense organs, moderation in eating, being intent on vigilence, being possessed of mindfulness, and clear consciousness, remote lodging in forests to get rid of doubt, getting rid of the five hindrances and being aloof from pleasures of the senses he enters on the four meditations one by one." ²³

All these references indicate clearly that the Sramana is characterised in Buddhist literature, as an ordinary monk belonging to any sect except perhaps to Brahmanas. Aiya-swami Shastri ²⁴ collected some common features of such religious communities from Tamil literature which are as follows:-

(1) They challenged the authority of the Vedas.
(2) They admitted into their church all members of the community irrespective of their social rank and religious career (Varna and Asrama).
(3) They observed a set of ethical principles.
(4) They practised a detatched life with a view to liberating themselves from worldly life etc.
(5) They could take to a life of renunciation (pravrajya) on reaching majority.

Likewise Deo ²⁵ refers to some of the features of monastic conduct which were common to all these communities. They are as follows:-

(1) The members of such groups gave up worldly life, and severing all contact with the society, they wandered as homeless persons.
(2) Being least dependent on society, they maintained themselves by begging food.
(3) Having no home, they led a wandering life, staying, however, at one place in the rainy season in order to avoid injury to living beings.
(4) Lastly, they seemed to acknowledge no cast barriers, and hence consisted of various elements of the society.

The Samavayanga refers to the ten types of conduct which should be followed by the Samanas. They are as follows: ksanti, mukti, arjava, mardava, laghava, satya, samyama, tapa, tyaga and brahmacariyavasa. At another place, some other types of conduct has been mentioned, viz. Upadhi, sruta, bhaktipana, anjalipragraha, dana, nimantrana, abhyutthana, krtikarma, vaiyavrtya, samavasarana-sammilana, samnisadya, and kathaprabandha.

In the Anguttara Nikaya ²⁸ the Buddha mentions three pursuits for a Bhikku: (1) training in the higher morality, (2) higher thought, and (3) higher insight. He then says that a monk must follow these pursuits with keeness; otherwise his presence in the order will be like that of an ass in a herd of cattle.

Ascetics in Buddhist literature

In Buddhist literature all ascetics or wandering sects are referred to by the name Samana. Sometimes they are also designaed Titthiya, Paribbajaka, Acelaka, Mundasavaka, Tedandika, Magandika, Aviruddhaka, Jatilaka, Gotamaka, Maggadesin, Maggadusin. The sixty-two wrong views (Micchaditthi) of the Brahmajala Sutta ²⁹ and three hundred and sixty-three views of the Sutrakrtanga refer to a great number of such sects. Some of these may be vedic, while others were teachings of moral sects of the Samanas.

The Lalitavistara ³¹ mentions a list of ascetics which includes the Carakas, Paribrajakas, Vrddha-sravakas, Gautamas, and Nirgranthas. A similar list is given in the Saddharmapundarika ³² where it is stated that Bodhisattva does not associate himself with them.

Importance of the Samanas

Of all these numerous communities of ascetics the Sramanas always figure prominently in Jaina and Buddhist literatures. Upadhye says: "All intellectual activities in ancient India were not confined only to Brahmanas: there was not only Brahmanical literature, but there was also the Paribbajaka, Sramana, or ascetic literature. These two representatives of intellectual and spiritual life in ancient India are well recognised by the phrase Samana-Brahmana in Buddhist sacred texts, by reference to Sramana Brahmana in Buddhist inscriptions, and further by Megasthenes distinction between Brahmanai and Samanai". ³³

Samanas in Jaina and Buddhist literature

The Samanas in Jaina and Buddhist literature are represented as "worker" (from Sram, to strive) in spiritual life who attain salvation through their own efforts. They are accorded high honour both within their circles and without. The Mahavagga refers to Samana who is honoured by the bhikkhus. Pali literature mentions usually, besides the buddha, the well-known six Samanas, the so-called heretical teachers of outstanding position in the community.

Sometimes the term Samana is used in Pali literature, as an adjective showing respect towards the designated teacher. The Buddha himself is called Mahasamana, and his followers Sakyaputtiya Samanas. ³⁴ So the followers of the Nigantha Nataputta are designated the Samana Nigantha or, to be exact, the Niganthanama Samanajatika. ³⁵

Samana-Brahmana in Jaina and Buddhist literature

Buddhist literature, specially the Pali Canon, uses a compound designation "Samana-Brahmana" to denote a religious sect that is opposed to the caste superiority of the Brahmana community and its ritualism. Likewise, the Jaina literature also mentions Samana-Mahanah ³⁶ and Mahana-Samana. ³⁷

T. W. Rhys Davids rightly says that Samana connotes both asceticism and inward peace, He is of the view that "Samana-Brahmana should therefore mean, a man of anv birth who by his saintliness, by his renunciation of the world, and by his reputation as a religious thinker, had acquired a position of a quasi-Brahmana and was looked up to by the people with as much respect as they looked up to a Brahmana by birth. ³⁸ Jaina literature also gives the same connotation to this term." ³⁹

Sometimes the term Samana-Brahmana is also used in Pali literature for the followers of the Brahmana community. The Brahmajalasutta and some other suttas refer to them as kecit Samana Brahmana. And in some places it is used for any follower of any sect as mentioned in the course of the sixty-two wrong views (micchaditthi). Thus the term Samana-Brahmana is used, in Buddhist literature, in a very loose sense. ⁴⁰ I, therefore, examined the views attributed to Samana-Brahmana and found that the teachings of Nigantha Nataputta are also represented among them.

The origin of Samana-Brahmana is unknown, but we can trace it from the works of Panini (prior to Buddha) ⁴¹ and Patanjali (second century B. C.) which mention a perpetual enmity (sasvata-virodha) between a snake and mongooses (ahinakulavat) to illustrate the compound formation of Samana-Brahmana. ⁴² The edicts of Asoka also mention them; but the term in Brahmana-Samana, and not Samana-Brahmana. ⁴³

The reason of this variation in Asokan edicts, according to Sukumara Dutta, is that "The legends were composed by those who themeselves belonged to the Samana class and wished to give it precedence, while the Brahmana is put first in the edict because the Brahmanical society was perhaps demographically more extensive in Asoka's empire. The accom@ plishments of this elite, the Samana-Brahmana, are described from the Buddhist point of view in the scripture". ⁴⁴

Another reason for the relative positions of the two component parts of the compounds Samana-Brahmana and Brahmana-Samana may be adduced by reference to the antiquity of the Samana cultural system and the subsequent growth in importance of the Brahmana cultural system. The earlier appellation Samana Brahmana gives precedence to Samanas most probably because Samana cultural system was the more ancient system. The change in precedence in the term Brahmana-Samana might have been due to the waxing influence of the Brahmana religious system which resulted in relegating the Samanas to a less important position in the religious life of India.

The Heretical Teachers

The leaders of Sramanism were referred to in Buddhist literature as "Heretical Teachers". These contemporary teachers "were doubtless, like the Buddha himself, inspired by the wave of dissatisfaction with the system of orthodox Brahmanism." six such teachers are mentioned in the Pali Canon:-

(1) Purana Kassapa.
(2) Makkhali Gosala.
(3) Ajita Kesakambali.
(4) Pakudha Kaccayana.
(5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta
(6) Nigantha Natputta.

In the Samannaphala Sutta each of these teachers is highly commended as a leader of an order (ganino ganacariyo). Each has been described as being well-known (nata), famous (yasassino), the founder of a sect (titthakara), respected as a saint by many people (sadhusammata bahu-janassa), a homeless wanderer of long standing (cirapabbajita), and advanced in years (vayonupatta). ⁴⁶ Barua ⁴⁷ thinks of them as philosophers or theologians in the modern sense. But in the sixth century B. C. there were controversial theories which are said to have been propagated in various ways by the Acaryas who belonged to the Brahmana as well as the Sramana religious system.

The Samannaphala Sutta deals with the doctrines of these heretical teachers in detail. It may be noted here that these doctrines are 'to be treated very cautiously; for it is evident that the authors had but a limited knowledge of the teachings of the heretics, and what knowledge they had warped by "odium theologicum." ⁴⁸

As king Ajatasattu expressed his desires to know some-thing about spiritual matters, his six ministers, the followers of the six heretical teachers one, after another, suggested that the king should meet their Acaryas and clear his doubts. Ajatasattu then paid a visit to them and questioned them thus: "The fruits of various worldly trades and professions are obvious. But is it possible to show that any appreciable benefit can be derived from asceticism (Sanditthikam Samannaphalm) in this very life?" The answers given by them could not satisfy Ajatasattu. It was then suggested to him that he should ask the Buddha to answer the question. Hence, the Buddha is said to have solved his problem in a authoritative way.

Pali Canon refers to the teachings of Purana Kassapa and others in several Suttas. Although all such passages are stereo-typed, they seem to give a fairly comprehensive summary of atleast the impressions which their teachings had made on the Buddhists. While we have no sufficient sources from which their accuracy can be verified, except, of course, in the case of Nigantha Nataputta, we are fortunate that the meagre references in the Pali Canon are the only means by which we know about the existence of two of the six teachers. ⁴⁹

(1) Purana Kassapa

This teacher upheld the view that there is neither merit nor demerit in any sort of action. He says, "He who performs an act or caused an act to be performed.. (karato kho karayato pana atimapayato), he who destroys life, the thief, the house-breaker, the plunderer.. the highway robber, the adulterer and the liar, commits no sin. Even if with a razor-sharp discus a man reduces all life on earth to a single heap of flesh, he commits so sin. If he comes down to the south bank of the Ganges, slaying, maiming, torturing, and causing others to be slain, maimed, or tortured, he commits no sin, neither does sin approach him. Likewise if a man goes down the north bank of the Ganges, giving alms, and sacrificing and causing alms to be given and sacrifices to be performed, he acquires no merit, neither does merit approach him. om liberality, self-control, abstinence, and honesty derived neither merit nor the approach of merit." ⁵⁰

This doctrine is based on Akiriyavada, the theory of non-action, according to which the soul does not act and the body alone acts. According to Barua it is Adhiccasamuppannikavada (i. e. things happen fortuitiously without any cause or condition). ⁵¹ Jain Commentator Silanka considers the doctrine of Purana Kassapa as similar to the one which obtained in the Sankhya system. ⁵² But Nalinaksa Dutt observes that "it would be wide of the mark if we say Kassapa's teaching is the same as that of Sankhya, though it holds that Purusa is only an onlooker, an inactive agent, the functioning factor being the Prakrti". ⁵³ As a matter of fact, Kassapa's teaching is so peculiar that we cannot find any similarity to the six Indian philosphies.

In the Samyutta Nikaya ⁵⁴ and Anguttara Nikaya ⁵⁵ he is mentioned as an Ahetuvadin, which appellation is applied to Makkhali Gosala in the Samannaphala Sutta. He is also reported to have claimed omniscience. ⁵⁶

Buddhaghosa gives some biographical data on Purana Kassapa. He says that Kassapa came to be known by his name from the fact that is birth completed (Purna) one hundred slaves in a certain household. Owing to this fact he was never found fault with, even when he failed to do his work satisfactorily. In spite of this, he was dissatisfied and fled from his master's house. He then had his clothes stolen and went about naked. ⁵⁷

The Dhammapada Commentatory gives another account. It says that when the heretical teachers were unable to prevent the Buddha's miraculous power, then ran away. While fleeing Purana Kassapa came across one of his followers carrying a vessel and a rope. Purana took them and on the of river near Savatthi he tied the vessel round his neck. He threw himself into the river and committed suicide. ⁵⁸

(2) Makkhali Gosala

Originally Makkhali Gosala was a follower of jainism of the Parsvanatha tradition. As he was not appointed a Ganadhara in Nigantha Nataputta's order, he left the Jain Sangha and founded another sect called Ajivikas. ⁵⁹ He too was a naked ascetic.

He was prophet of Niyativada (fatalism), according to which "There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings; they become pure without cause or basis. There is no deed performed either by oneself or by others which can affect one's future births, no human action, no strength, no courage, no human endurance or human prowess can affect one's destiny in this life. All beings, all that have breath, all that are born, all that have life, are without power, strength, or virtue, but are developed by destiny, chance and nature, and experience joy and sorrow in the six levels for existence. Salvation, in his opinion, can be attained only by death and existence which are unalterably fixed (niyata). Suffering and happiness,, therefore, do not depend on any cause or effect."

The Majjhima Nikaya ⁶¹ calls this ahetukaditthi or akiriyaditthi, while the Sutrakrtanga (1.127) Darsanasara ⁶² and Gomattasara Jivakanda63 of Jainas designate it as ajnanavada.

The Buddha considered Makkhali as the most dangerous of the heretical teachers. He says:

"I know not of any other single person fraught with such loss of many folk, such discomfort, such sorrow to devas and men, as Makkhali, the infatuate". ⁶⁴

Buddha also considered his view as the meanest one as would appear from the following comment:

"Just as the hair blanket is reckoned the meanest of all woven garments even so, of all the teachings of recluses, that of Makkhali is the meanest". ⁶⁵

In the Digha Nikaya Commentary, ⁶⁶ Buddhaghosa shows how he was called Makkhali Gosala. He says that he was once employed as a servant. One day while carrying an oil pot along a muddy road, he slipped and fell through carelessness, Hence he is named Makkhali. He was called Gosala because he was born in a cow-shed. Panini ⁶⁷ describes him as Maskarin (one who carries a bamboo staff). Uvasaga Dasao calls him Makkhaliputta. ⁶⁸

(3) Ajita Kesakambali

Ajitakesa Kambali was a meterialist who denied the existence of good or bad deeds. According to him, "There is no merit in almsgiving, sacrifice or offering; no result or ripening of good or evil deeds. There is no passing from this world ⁶⁹ to the next. No benefit accrues from the service of mother or father. There is no afterlife, and there are no ascetics or Brahmanas who have reached perfection on the right path, and who, having known and experienced this world and the world beyond, publish (their knowledge). Man is formed of the four elements; when he dies earth returns to the aggregate of earth, water to water, fire to fire, and air to air, while the senses vanish into space. Four men with the bier take up the corpse; they gossip (about the dead man) as far as the burning ground ⁷⁰ (where) his bones turn the colour of a dove's wing, and his sacrifices end in ashes. They are fools who preach alms-giving, and those who maintain the existence (of immaterial categories) speak vain and nonsense. When the body dies both the fool and the sage alike are cut off from life and perish. They do not survive after death. ⁷¹

Ajita's philosophy can be compared with the philosophy of Carvaka. In the Brahmajala Sutta it is classified as Ucchedavada (the doctrine of anihilation after death) or Tam Jivam tam sariram (the doctrine of identity of the soul and body). In the Mahabodhi Jataka, it is said, that Ajita was born, in a previous birth, as one of the five heretical councillors to the king of Varanasi. Then, too, he preached the doctrine of Ucchedavada. He was called Kesakambali because he wore a blanket of human hair, which is described as being the most miserable garment. It was cold in cold weather, and hot in the hot, foul smelling and uncouth. ⁷²

(4) Pakudha Kaccayana

According to Pakudha Kaccayana, the seven elementary categories are neither made nor ordered, neither caused nor constructed; they are barren, as firm as mountains, as stable as pillars. They neither move nor develop; they do not injure one another, and one has no effect on the joy and sorrow of another. What are the seven? Earth, Water, Fire, Air, joy and Sorrow, with life as the seventh ... No man slays or causes to slay, hears or causes to hear, knows or causes to know. Even if a man cleaves another's head with a sharp sword, he does not take life, for the sword-cut merely passes through the seven elements. ⁷³

In the Brahmjala Sutta this theory is classified as both Akiriyavada and Sassatavada. According to Pakudha, good or bad deeds do not affect the elements which are eternal. Like Ucchedavada, this teaching is also criticised in Buddhist literature.

Buddhaghosa says that Pakudha Kaccayana avoided the use of cold water, using always hot water. When hot water was no available, he did not wash. If he crossed a stream he would consider it as a sin, and would make expiation by constructing a mound of earth. ⁷⁴

(5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta

Sanjaya Belatthiputta was the preacher of Ajnavada or Agnosticism. He says that if "you asked me, "Is there another world?" and if I believed that there was, I should tell you so. But that is not what I say. I do not say that is so; nor do I say that it is not so." ⁷⁵

It is said that the Elders Sariputta and Moggalana were disciples of Sanjaya before they were converted to Buddhism. ⁷⁶ Moggalana and Sanjaya are mentioned as Jaina Munis in Jaina literature. ⁷⁷

The jaina doctrine of Syadvada is said to have been influenced by the teachings of Sanjaya. According to Malalaseker, "It is probable that Sanjaya suspended his judgements only with regard to those questions, the answers to which must always remain a matter of speculation. It my be that he wished to impress on his followers the fact that the final answer to these questions lay beyond the domain of speculation, and that he wished to divert their attention from fruitless inquiry and direct it towards the preservation of mental equanimity". ⁷⁸ But as a matter of fact Sanjays's teachings are based on indeterminable characters, while the Syadvada has a definite answer. That is why the Jaina philosophers criticised Sanjaya's theory. ⁷⁹ We can, however, say that whether Sanjaya was a Jaina muni or not, his teachings seem to be influenced to some extent by the Jaina doctrines. The sutrakratanga does not mention his name in this context. Sanjaya's view is criticised in Pali literature as an Amaravikkhepavad a theory of eel-wrigglers). ⁸⁰

(6) Nigantha Nataputta:

In the Samannaphala Sutta, Nigantha Nata-Putta is introduced as the teacher of Catuyamasamvara. "A Nigantha is surrounded by the barrier of four-fold restraint. How is he surrounded? ... He practises restraint with regard to water, he avoids all sin, by avoiding sin his sins are washed away, and he is filled with the sense of all sins are washed away, and he is filled with the sense of all sins avoided ⁸¹ ... So surrounded by the barrier of fourfold restraint his mind is perfected, controlled, and firm. ⁸²

As pointed out by Jacobi this reference to the teaching of Nataputta is very obscure. ⁸³ Catuyamasamvara as mentioned in the Samannaphala Sutta ⁸⁴ consists of the four characteristics of the Jainas. The real Catuyamasamvara belonging to the Parsvanatha tradition, is found else-where in the Pali Canon itself.

In response to the Buddha's question Asibandhakaputta Gamani said that the Nigantha Nataputta preached thus to his followers or Savakas: a slayer of living creature (panam atipateti), a stealer of a thing (not given to him) (adinnam adiyati), a subject of sensual passion wrongly (kamesu miccha carati), and one who tells a lie (musa bhanati) are all condemned. ⁸⁵

Here are mentioned the four causes of sin. In the Anguttara aa the five ways of falling into sin, according to Nigantha Nataputta, are outlined. They are: destruction of animates (panatipati hoti staking what is not given (adinnadayi hoti), passionate enjoyment of evil (abrahmacari hoti), speaking a lie (musavadi hoti), and living on liquor and drink (suramerayamajjappamadatthayi hoti). ⁸⁶

Both these references are neither correctly recorded nor in order. The Nikayas appear to have confused between the Vratas of Parsvanatha and Mahavira. The Parigraha (attachment to the mundane affairs), a fourth cause of sins according to the Parsvanatha tradition, included the passionate enjoyment, was not mentioned in the Nikayas, while the Abrahmacarya, separated from Parigraha by Nigantha Nataputta, is mentioned there.

Non-violence is the fundamental principle of the Jainas which is recorded in the Pali Canon. The Niganthas do not use cold water as living being exist therein. ⁸⁷ They take a vow not to go beyond a limited area, so that the possibility of destroying life while moving about is reduced to a minimum. ⁸⁸ The Kayadanda (Physical deeds) is more blamable than Manodanda (mental deeds) in their oppinion. ⁸⁹ Intention (bhava or manodanda) is the main source of violence, and if the injury is caused by the body intentionally (bhavena), it will be considered more blamble. Meat-eating is completely prohibited in jainism. It is said that while Siha Senapati served meat to Buddha and his followers, the Nlganthas had protested and criticised such activities. ⁹⁰

Nakedness or nudity (acelakatva or Digambaratva) with a mind controlled and restrained from all sorts of attachment and the practice of severe austerities with right knowledge are the main sources of omniscience and salvation. ⁹¹ Pali literature too records the Jaina claim to the omniscience of Nigantha nataputta. ⁹² The Pali Canon is also familiar with the rudiments of Syadvada and Navatattvas. Buddhist philosophical literature which developed later establishes and refutes the more advanced Jaina doctrines about epistemology and logic.

The foregoing is a brief description of the leaders of Sramanism as recorded in Pali literature. From this somewhat scanty data it is clear that their teachings can be grouped under two main headings:-

(1) Ajivikism as taught by Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, and Pakudha Kaccayana
(2) Jainism as taught by Parsvanatha and Nigantha Nataputta.

The doctrine of Sanjaya Belatthiputta does not fall into either of the above categories. But as Nalinaksa Dutt has shown, Sanjaya's teachings are "only a stepping stone to that of Buddha." ⁹³ We shall now take into consideration the interrelationship among the three prominent religious systems" Jainism, Ajivikism, and Buddhism.

Jainism and Ajivikism:

Makkhali Gosala, the founder of the Ajivika sect, was a follower of Jainism, before he founded his separate school. ⁹⁴ It is, therefore, not unnatural for his teachings to be influenced by Jainism. Ajivikas and Jainas share a set of common monastic rules. Both were normally naked and both followed the same method of eating. ⁹⁵ That is the reason why the Pali literature could not make a clear distinction between the Niganthas and the Ajivikas. The Sutta Nipata ⁹⁶ distinguishes the Ajivikas from other sects, whereas the Majjhima Nikaya ⁹⁷ includes all the heretical teachers in the general category of Ajivikas.

Buddhaghosa in his Dhammapada Commentary ⁹⁸ describes an ascetic who knocks at the doors of all the sects including the Ajivikas and the Niganthas. But the same work refers indiscriminately to Nagga-samana, Ajivika and Acelaka. ⁹⁹ Similarly the Divyavadana, ¹⁰⁰ in the story of Asoka, seems to use the term Ajivika and Nigantha (Nirgrantha) synonymously.

Chinese and Japanese Buddhist literature classes the Ashibikas, (i. e. Ajivikas) with the Nikendabaras or Nirgranthas as practising severe penance. "They both hold that the penalty for sinful life must sooner or later be paid so that the life to come may be free for enjoyment. Thus their practices were ascetic. Fasting, silence, immovability and burning themselves upto the neck were their expressions of penance. ¹⁰¹

Hoernle identifies the Ashibikas with the Digambara Jainas. In support of his theory, he refers to Halayudha ¹⁰² which "enumerates a large number of names of the two divisions, the Svetambaras and Digambaras ... The latter are also known as the Ajiva, which is only a shorter form of Ajivika. It is evident now, from what has been said, that the terms Niggantha and Ajivika denote the two Jaina orders which are known to us as Svetambaras and Digambaras." ¹⁰³

Hoernle's further suggestion is that the term Nirgrantha implied only a Svetambara Jaina. This conclusion is not supported by any evidence. The verse quoted by Hoernle does not contain exactly synonymous words. It mentions the names of various schools. Basham remarks in this connection that the evidence of both Halayudha and Yadava, including the Nirgrantha in the same category as the Nagnata, should be adequate to disprove the theory. The term was obviously used for a Jaina of any type. ¹⁰⁴

"Nigantha" or "Nirgrantha" was always used with reference to Digambaras in the earlier works. Its application to Svetambaras was a later development subsequent to their breaking away from the original school of Jainism in the early centuries B. C.

Silanka, the commentator of the Sutrakrtanga, says: "They are the Ajivikas who follow the doctrine of Gosala, or Botikas (i. e. Digambara."). ¹⁰⁵ On the basis of this reference Hoernle righty concluded that the later Ajivikas merged with the Digambara Jainas. He says "Silanka states that the reference is to the Ajivikas or Digambaras. Seeing that, in his comment on another passage of the same work, he identifies the Ajivikas with the Terasiyas (Sanskrit Trairasikas). It follows that in silanka's view the followers of Gosala, the Ajivikas, the Terasikas, and the Digambaras were the same class of religious mendicants." ¹⁰⁶

Basham, too, appears to support this view when he says that the Ajivika survived in Madras, Mysore and Andhra until the 14th century A. D., and that the original atheism of Makkhali Gosala merged with that of the Digambara Jainas. ¹⁰⁷

But as a matter of fact Silanka could not make a clear statement that Ajivikas and Digambaras were the same. It seems that on the basis of nakedness, Halayudha Silanka etc. referred to the words which have the same meaning. ¹⁰⁸

Jainism and Buddhism

As both Jainism and Buddhism were taught within the same geographical area during the same historical period, a high degree of mutual ideological influence was inevitable. The wandering of the Buddha for six years in search of enlightenment also would have brought him into contact with Jainistic dogmas.

Some ideas are found to be common to both Jainism and Buddhism. Buddhism is based on the Four Noble Truths (Cattari ariyasaccani), viz. the Truth of suffering (Dukkhasacca), the Truth of the Arising of Suffering (Dukkha-samudayasacca), and the Truth of the Path leading to the Annihilation of Suffering (Dukkha-nirodhagamani-patipada-ariyasacca). Jainism, too, teaches substantially the same doctrines. During the twelve meditations (Dvadasanupreksa) a Nigantha thinks of the nature of the world and soul. In this way he tries to abstain from attachment to anything so that he could attain the state of Vitaragatva (freedom from all desires). Avidya (ignorance), as in Buddhism, is the root cause of Karmic bondage, and release is possible through Right Vision (Samyagdarsana), Right Knowledge (Samyagjnana), and Right Conduct (Samyagcaritra). ¹⁰⁹

Buddhism extols the four meditations (Bhavana), viz. Metta (Friendship) Karuna (Compassion), Mudita (delight), and Upekkha (Indifference). ¹¹⁰ The Jain Scripture declares that these should be meditated upon by everybody (Maitripramodakarunyamadhyasthani ca satvagunadhikaklisyamanavinayesu). They are realizable through concentration (yogakkhamani nibbanam ajjhagamam), and are free from ageing (ajaram) Salvation can be attained with the cessation of the chain of causation. Nibbana, in Jainism, is a condition of the pure soul, free from all bondage of karmas, peaceful, enlightened and eternal. ¹¹¹ Both religions believe that every being experiences fruits of his good and bad deeds in the present or future life and rebirth continues till the attainment of salvation.

Non-violence (Ahimsa) is also a common feature of both Jainism and Buddhism. Buddhism, like Jainism, stipulates that its adherents should abstain from all forms of violence (Himsa). But Jainism appears more strict in this respect. The eating of flesh, which is not altogether forbidden in Buddhism, is completely forbidden in Jainism. In other words, non-violence is the foundation of Jain religion and philosophy. Syadvada and Nayavada, the spirit of reconciliation, is an integral part of its theme.

Both Jainism and Buddhism hold that the Universe came into being without the intervention of the creator-God. Worshiping of the images of their sages is a common feature in both religions.

As regards the dissimalirities between them, they are so fundamental that any positive influence of Jainism on Buddhism or vi ce versa in difficult to establish. Buddhism does not believe in soul, whereas Jainism regards it as an essential part of human personality and its purity is essential for the attainment of salvation. According to Buddhism, a thing which comes into being perishes in the next moment. All the psychical factors like feeling, cognition, names and concepts are discrete and momentary. The first moment is regarded as the material cause (upadana) and the second the effect (upadeya). The combined stream of Upadna and Upadeyna give rise to the false notion of a permanent self.

On the other hand, Jainism, in spite of admitting the obvious psycho-physical changes, adheres to the belief that both jiva (soul) and ajiva (matter) are eternal. It maintains that only the modes (paryayas) of a substance are subject to change while the substance with its essential quality (guna) is unchanging and abiding. The Buddhist theory of flux has been, therefore, criticised bitterly by the Jain philosophers.

These two religions resort to a common terminology. For instance, the word nigantha is used for Jainism in both scriptures. Buddhism also regards "sabbaganthappahina" ¹¹² as the nature of Nibbana, Pudgala is used only in these two religions but with different meanings. In Jainism it means as inanimate thing, while Buddhism gives it the sense of Atma or Jiva. Likewise, Arhat, Buddha, Asava, samvara, Sammaditthi (samyagdrasti or Samyagjnana) Micchaditthi. Tisarana, Naraka, etc. are common to both the religious systems.

According to the Pali Canon, the Buddha himself had a more favourable impression of Nigantha Nataputta and Jainism than of any other contemporary teacher or teaching, ¹¹³ though he condemned the Niganthas at a number of places, ¹¹⁴ Apart from the fact that they arose from the same social milieu, the emphasis they both laid on ethical principles and on the empirical testing of truth seems to have made them mutually respectful to each other.

Conclusion:

The foregoing discussion has brought us to the conclusion that the Sramana cultural system led by the Jainas existed perhaps prior to Brahmana cult and that most of the leaders of different sects of that time were influenced by the Jaina dogmas. Jocobi came to the following conclusion on the interrelationship of these religious teachers:

The preceding four Tirth nkaras (Makkhali Gosala, Purana Kassapa and others) appear to have adopted some or other doctrines or practices of the Jaina system, probably from the Jainas themselves...Here it appears that Jaina ideas and practices must have been current at the time of Mahavira and independently of him. This combined with other arguments, leads us to the opinion that the Nirgranthas (Jainas) were really in existence long before Mahavira, who was the reformer of the already existing sect." ¹¹⁵

Emperor Samprati | Jainism in Mouryan Reign

-Mahavir Sanglikar

Emperor Samprati was Great Grand Son of Chandragupt Mourya, Grandson of Emperor Ashok and son of Kunal. According to an agreement, the great empire of Ashok was divided into two parts between Samprati and his paternal cousin Dashrath. Samprati became the empire of entire western and southern part of India and ruled from Ujjain, while Dashrath ruled from Patliputra on eastern parts of India.

Samprati was a brave and peace lover emperor, who cared of his subjects a lot. Like his great grandfather, he too was staunch follower and patron of Jainism. He was disciple of the great Jain Acharya Suhasti. According to Vincent Smith, Samprati sent Jain monks and scholars to Arabsthan, Iran and Greece for spread of Jainism. He also sent Jain missionaries to Southern parts of India for this purpose. Before departure of the missionaries, Samprati used to send some spies in form of monks in the territories to clear out the routes from any threats. Because of Samprati, Jainism took an aggressive role and was spread in Central India, Deccan and Coorg in South India.

He opened food centers for the poor. He asked his feudatories to prohibit killing of animals.

His cousin Dashrath, who ruled from Patliputra, was patron of Ajivik sect.

According to many scholars, all the rock inscriptions said to be carved by Emperor Ashok doesn’t belong to Ashok, but many of them actually belong to other Mouryan emperors, including Samprati. The inscriptions having the words ‘Devanam Piyass’ are said to be inscriptions of Emperor Samprati.

Unfortunately, there are not many references to political activities of emperor Samprati. He ruled for about half a century. He won many territories in Southern India. He died in 190 B.C.E. We do not find references to any invasion on India in Samprati’s reign.

After the death of Samprati, his eldest son Shalishuk Mourya become his successor.

More research on the life of Samprati is needed.

References:
History of Jaina Monachism by S.B. Deo
Bharatiya Itihas: Ek Drishti by Dr. Jyoti Prasad Jain
Jain Dharm Ka Moulik Itihas Part II by Acharya Hastimal Maharaj