Jains and Sikhs Walking Together

Dr. Harvinder Singh Sahota, Dr. Sulekh C. Jain

On Nov. 12, the world celebrated the 550th birth anniversary of Guru Nanak Devji, an apostle of peace, harmony, coexistence and respect between all religions and human beings. Since the birth of Guru Nanak Devji, Jains and Sikhs have been working and walking together. There is much in common between the two faiths.

Jainism is one of the oldest and Sikhism among the youngest religions of the world; Sikhism is the fifth largest and Jainism the sixth largest in the world.

There is a lot of intertwining of Sikh and Jain history. About 2,600 years ago, Bhagwan Mahavir was born in Bihar and Jainism flourished there; Bihar, Patna in particular, was the site of a lot of Sikh history.

About 350 years ago, Salis Rai Johri, a prominent Jain in Patna, hosted Guru Teg Bahadur and his family while he was on his way to Assam. The wife of Guru Teg Bahadur, Mata Gujri, stayed with this Jain family for several years. In this Jain household Guru Gobind Singh (the 10th Guru) was born and raised till the age of six.

This Jain family donated a piece of land for a dharamshala which eventually became the Sri Patna Sahib Takht. This same Jain Johri also built a Jain Temple next door. The Jain temple and Sikh Gurudwara on the same land, next to each other, on the same campus, separated only by a simple wall, is a unique example of coexistence, respect and cooperation with each other.

Sikhs and Jains have never harmed, quarreled or destroyed each other’s places of worship. In Punjab, Jains attend Sikh colleges and Sikhs attend Jain Colleges. The Punjabi University, Patiala, has a Department of Jainology.

Together, the members of both faiths have made Ludhiana a hosiery capital of the world.

Some Jain monks have come from Sikh families and in Punjab, Jain sadhus often stay at Sikh homes and also get their gochari (food) from them.

Jains have served Sikh Maharajas in important positions. All Sikh Maharajas whether in Patiala, Nabha, Fridkot, Jind, or other states, employed Jains in trustworthy positions such as treasurer as they were known for their honesty.

Jains and Sikhs have not only co-existed but have provided safe havens for each other as, for example, during the 1947 migration from Pakistan in 1947 when protection was provided by a Jain acharya.

Diwali is celebrated on the same day by followers of both religions. For Jains it is the day when Bhagwan Mahavir got nirvana and for Sikhs it is when Guru Hargovind was released from the Gwalior Fort.

Unconditional Ahimsa is the core principle of Jains. Sikhs practice Ahimsa by Seva (service to others) to the needy and the practice of free langars.

Both Jains and Sikhs have no caste system and stand for equal rights and respect for all humans, including women.

Academic study of Jainism and Sikhism has significantly lagged behind other Indic religions in North America. This gap is being closed with the establishment of centers for Jain and Sikh Studies. The Takht Sri Patna Sahib is being emulated in the U.S. with Jain and Sikh Studies Chairs at the University of California in Irvine Riverside and Santa Barbara; Loyola Marymount University in LA; San Diego State University, San Diego; Claremont School of Theology in Claremont; Charles University in the Czech Republic; and in India at the International School for Jain Studies working with Guru Nanak Dev University Amritsar. A comprehensive book on interdependence of Jain and Sikhs is being planned.

From Southern California comes a very inspiring example of working together: Five years ago, the Jain and Sikh community in Los Angeles established the first joint Center for Study and Teaching of Jainism and Sikhism at Loyola Marymount University. After a thorough search, Dr. Niranjan Kaur Khalsa, a Sikh scholar with a Ph.D. in Sikhism from the University of Michigan, was hired as the professor for this Center. Prof. Khalsa taught standalone classes in Jainism and Sikkim with separate syllabi. She taught both the religions with equal love, sincerity, passion, dedication and high scholastic content. A well liked professor, her classes were always full. She took her students each semester to the Jain and Sikh temples in Los Angeles.

By working together and learning from each other; these centers are working to tear down even the symbolic walls that separate them. We are sure there are hundreds of such opportunities all around us waiting to be explored and started.

“Water is the same in all. Only utensils are of different colors,” said Sant Kabir. Let us work together even more to learn from the beauty of each tradition and dismantle all the walls of hatred and mistrust.

Dr. Harvinder Singh Sahota,
Laguna Beach, Calif., and

Dr. Sulekh C. Jain,
Las Vegas, Nevada

Article Courtesy: India West

Rare Jain sculpture becomes a washing stone

D Madhavan, TNN Aug 30, 2011

CHENNAI:For decades, women used a stone near the temple tank in Padur on Old Mamallapuram Road to wash clothes. On Sunday, village elders and panchayat officials, who were renovating the tank, turned the stone over only to discover that it was a rare Jain sculpture dating back more than 1,000 years.

Now, the same women worship what was their washing stone and lay flowers on it. Panchayat officials were clearing bushes near the tank and dug up the stone to shift it. They realized that the side women were using was the back of the sculpture and the front had got buried a few feet. "For years, we thought the sculpture was missing. We were overjoyed to find it," said Padur panchayat president T Paramasivam. The sculpture was of Mahavira, the 24th and the last Jaina tirthankara.

The tirthankara is depicted in the 'dhyana' (meditation) pose with flywhisk bearers behind him. The sculpture also has an 'Ashoka vriksha' (tree) above the head and 'chamaradharis' (bearers carrying flowers) on each side. Only the first and 24th tirthankaras — Rishabha and Mahavira —are depicted in sculptures and worshipped. Archaeologists said the presence of three umbrellas above the head was a clear indication that the sculpture was that of a Jain tirthankara and not the Buddha.

"Sculptures of Jain tirthankaras, including Mahavira, are bare bodied whereas those of the Buddha are always shown as covered with a piece of cloth," said former deputy superintending archaeologist of the state archaeological department K Sridharan. The Government Museum in Egmore is yet to retrieve the sculpture, which is slightly damaged, but the villagers have said they plan to build a temple for it. Archaeologists said Chennai and adjoining districts, like Kancheepuram, were important centres of Jainism till the 10th century CE, especially during the later Chola period.

Tamil-Brahmi script found at Pattanam in Kerala

T. S. Subramanian

A Tamil-Brahmi script on a pot rim, reading “a ma na”, meaning a Jaina, has been found at Pattanam in Ernakulam district, Kerala, establishing that Jainism was prevalent on the west coast at least from second century CE (Common Era). The script can be dated to circa second century CE. The three Tamil-Brahmi letters are followed by two symbols generally called Megalithic graffiti and these two symbols could not be identified. This is the third Tamil-Brahmi script to be found in the Pattanam excavations. 

The Kerala Council for Historical Research (KCHR) has been conducting excavations at Pattanam since 2007, with the approval of the Archaeological Survey of India. The pot-rim was found during the sixth season of the excavation currently under way. Pattanam is now identified as the thriving port called Muziris by the Romans. Tamil Sangam literature celebrates it as Muciri. 

P.J. Cherian, Director of the Pattanam excavations, said: “The discovery, in the Kerala context, has a great significance because of the dearth of evidence so far of the pre-Brahminical past of Kerala, especially in relation to the socio-cultural and religious life of the people. We have direct evidence from Pattanam now with the Brahmi script which mentions “a ma na” [Jaina] and so we have evidence that Jainism was present in Kerala.” 

Iravatham Mahadevan, a scholar in Indus and Tamil-Brahmi scripts, said the discovery showed that “there was Jainism on the west coast at least from second century CE. The importance of the finding is that it stratigraphically corroborates the earlier datings given to the Tamil-Brahmi cave inscriptions in Tamil Nadu on palaeographic evidence. I will date this sherd, on palaeographic evidence, to circa second century CE.”

The Tamil word “a ma na” meaning a Jaina was derived from Sanskrit Sramana via Prakrit Samana and Tamil Camana, said Mr. Mahadevan. The two megalithic graffiti, following the three Tamil-Brahmi letters, could not be identified. “But we know from similar finds in Tamil Nadu, especially at Kodumanal, that Tamil-Brahmi letters and megalithic graffiti symbols occur side by side,” he said. Mr. Mahadevan was sure that “many more exciting finds will be made at Muciri [Pattanam] which was a flourishing port on the west coast during the Sangam age in Tamil Nadu, which coincided with the classical period in the West.” 

Mr. Cherian, who is also Director of KCHR, said the discovery “excites me as an excavator because it was for the first time we are getting direct evidence relating to a religious system or faith in Kerala.” The pot might have belonged to a Jaina monk. The broken rim with the script was found at a depth of two metres in trench 29 in the early historical layer which “by our stratigraphic understanding could belong to third-second CE period,” he said. The associated finds included amphora sherds, iron nails, and beads among others. 

In a trial trench laid earlier at Pattanam by Professor V. Selvakumar, Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology and Epigraphy, Tamil University, Thanjavur and K.P. Shajan of KCHR, a pot-sherd with the Tamil-Brahmi letters reading “ur pa ve o” was found. Later, another Tamil-Brahmi script with the letters “ca ta [n]” was found. Mr. Mahadevan praised the Pattanam excavations as “the best conducted excavations in south India.” He said it was “a potentially important site and excavations are being done in a competent way by Mr. Cherian and his team from the KCHR and they have involved experts from around the world.” 

Courtesy:  The Hindu

Pratishtha tilaka of Nemicandra – a study

-R.Nagaswamy

Introduction

Temple rituals are guided by textual material either ascribed to the Supreme or to an Eminent and venerated Acarya . It is the case with Saiva temples, Vaishnavite temples, Jain, and Buddhist temples. The codified scriptures give in most cases a continuation of what was going on in the previous centuries and so deserve attention though variations or local traditions add to their mode. The Jain temples of Southern India particularly the digambara school of Karnataka, Andhra and Tamilnad are following a text known as Pratishta tilaka, composed by Nemichandra deva in circa 13^th cent. CE. The text has been reprinted in 1992 in Kolapur, Edited by B. Manikchand SivaLal Saha, and published by S.Gosavai. I had the privilege of receiving a copy from Pujya Sri Carukirti maharaj the head of Jaina Mutt at Sravana belegola in Karnataka. The Swamiji blessed me with a title Dharmabandhu and with his own handwriting presented the copy in the 1994. I have been studying the text ever since with deep interest. The text attracted me for more than one reason. The text was written sometime towards the end of Chola times and had some connection with the Cholas. The Acharya who wrote the text belonged to a lineage that hailed from Tamilnad particularly Kanchipuram which was a great center of Jainism from very early times. There is a very close unity between the Saiva, Vaishnava, and Jain and Buddhist temple worship and they are almost identical. The other point that will strike the Indologists is that all these temple rituals are extensions of Vedic rites and the theory they arose as a result of mutual conflict and animosity against the Vedic religion is to say the least unfounded as may be seen in the sequence. If the order of rites, terminology and the festivals are considered they are absolutely the same for Saiva, Jaina, and Vaishnava temples. It is proposed to study the Jaina temple rituals as found in this text pratishta tilaka and compare the same with Saiva texts in this article.

The author of the text Pratishta tilaka says at the preamble that he has taken the essence of the rites of installing and consecrating Jaina images from earlier texts and is writing this work. It is mainly based on the authority of pratishta sastra of great early Yogis Like Indra nandin this text is used. Among all rites the Installation of Jaina images is the most important and hence this text is called d Pratishta tilaka. The establishment consists of installation and hymnal invocation-Sthapana and Nyasa. The establishment is divided into three categories a) elaborate b) moderate and c) shortened. The author deals first with the elaborate rituals followed by the moderate and lastly by the shortened rites.

Order of Elaborate rituals

The elaborate rituals are listed in the following order.

1. Indra pratishta (Inviting the priest to accept the responsibility of performing the consecratory rituals) should be performed after observing Nandi on the tenth day prior to the date of consecration. This should be done during the daytime.
2. Ankurarpana (sprouting ceremony) should be performed on the ninth day prior to the date consecration. This should be done during night.
3. Santi-homa should be performed from the first day after the sprouting rites for removal of all obstacles to the donor, Jaina sangha, king, and others.
4. The mandapa should be beautified and made fit for the rites on the second day after the sprouting ceremony. Laghu santi (brief santi) followed by Vastudeva bali should be performed.
5. On the third day after the Ankurarpana, the vedis, the raised pedestal should be got ready, five kumbhas (Water-vessels) should be installed and Vastu bali should be performed.
6. The flag hoisting should be done on the fourth day after the Ankurarpana. On the day of flag hoisting the "Beating the drum" (Bheri tadana) should be performed in the night.
7. On the fifth day "Fetching water" (Jala yatra mahotsava) should be performed.
8. On the sixth day the "Festival of Entering the womb" garbha-avatara-kalyanam" should be performed. The procession of cradle on a chariot should be performed.
9. On the seventh day the " Festival of Birth" Janma-abhisheka kalyanam" should be performed.
10. On the eighth day the "festival of Initiation" "Diksha grahana kalyanam" should be performed during the daytime.
11. On the ninth day the "Festival of attainment of pure knowledge" "Kevala – Jnana –kalyanam" should be performed din the morning or evening.
12. Vasantotsava should be performed on the second day after the consecration. The image should be taken out in procession.
13. Fragrant water should be sprinkled on the third after the consecration.
14. On the fourth day after consecration the image should be taken out in procession.
15. Then the festival of Release "Nirvana kalyanam" should be performed in the morning
16. This should be followed by avabhrita snana with eleven vessels. To the image.
17. The Jaina sangha should be gratified to the extend possible
18. The flag should be brought down in the night and placed in front of the temple. The flag mast should be adored.

Jain rites compared with Hindu rites

This order of consecration listed employs many terms that require attention. The Priest performing rituals is called Indra in the Jaina context, for it is considered that Indra the King of the celestials attends himself on the Arhat. This is equal to the selection of Acarya in the Hindu temple rites called Acarya varanam while in Vedic rituals it Brahma varanam. The selection process is to entrust the rituals to deeply learned priest who will be in charge and supervise all rituals. In all temple rituals this is the first rite one encounters. The second rite mentioned in this text is the sprouting rite common again to all the Hindu temple rituals. The third is Nandi that is also common to Hindu temple ritual. What is Nandi we will see in the sequence? Again it is followed by what is called Santi homa – offering in fire different materials like twigs etc for the removal of obstacles. This is also common to Hindu temples. It may be noted that even in Jain context it is called Santi homa. (For many it would come as a surprise that Homa – a Vedic tradition forms an essential part of Jain rituals) It is again followed by bali offering to Vastudeva. So far as the concept of Vastu is concerned it is again too common to Hindu and Jaina rituals. This is followed by "Flag hoisting" – "Dhvajarohana". All great festivals in Hindu temples are accompanied by flag hoisting. On the same day of flag hoisting festival of beating the drum is performed in the Hindu temple. The priest takes the beating stick and ritually beats the drum after doing puja to the drum. The stick is handed over to the drummer after beating who is now ritually commissioned to announce the festival, procession etc. The same is found in the Jain temples as well. This ritual is followed by five festivals, which are apparently peculiar to Jain temples. They are called Garbha-avatara kalyanam, Janma-abhisheka kalyanam, Diksha-grahana kalyanam, and Kevala-Jnana kalyanam. The fifth one takes place after installing the image in the shrine and is the final kalyanam. It is called Nirvana kalyanam. a certain rite called avabhrita snana is performed after this festival to mark the end of the consecration rites and is followed by bringing down the flag to mark the end. Avabhrita snana is a Vedic rite in which the performer takes a ritual bath to mark the end of the diksha initiation he has taken to the Yajna. This is performed in the Hindu temple rituals also and is called avabhrita snana or tirthavari. Except the kalyanam festivals we have mentioned above there is absolutely no difference between consecratory rites of a Hindu temple and the Jaina temple as seen from this text. 

We will examine this five-kalyanam festivals and their inner meaning in the sequence. It will be shown that the concepts of the five-kalyanam festivals are basically the same as the Hindu temple rituals. 

The Lineage of the Author Nemichandra

The historic setting and the lineage of the Acharya who wrote this text is furnished in a separate chapter called Kavi-vamsa varnanam i.e. description of the family of the poet, in this text. Nemicandra, the author of this text belonged to a Brahmin family. The first Brahma called Adi-Brahma lived in Krta-yuga the first aeon. From his body arose the last Brahma, Antya Brahma who created Great Brahmins.. Among them some intelligent Brahmins conformed to jina-marga – the path of the Jinas and followed the observances of the system in an unbroken manner. Born of these lineage some lived in the great city of Kanchipuram. They constantly performed 53 ritual acts and practiced the six acts of life. Visakhacarya blessed these men with the teachings of the secrets of Jaina observances called upasaka-mha-veda rahasya. Those born in these families observed the agamas of the Jaina systems strictly (upasaka – agama). In their youth they enjoyed all the pleasures. Receiving veneration from rulers and public at the old age under took the Jaina diksha with clear minds. Many members of these families continued their family traditions, kula-vratas in this manner.. In this family was born the great Akalanka Bhattaraka who pulverized the arrogance of many debaters by his sharp and powerful verbal arguments. In this lineage was born Indra Nandi muni who was deeply learned in the Jain systems and taught all sciences of knowledge. One Anantavirya was born in this family who composed a commentary on the work of Akalanka. It was called Dipa-vartika. In this family appeared Virasena muni who made the Jain sasana shine in the horizon for a long time. One Jinasena muni enlarged the ocean of Jainism by his teachings. He was an abode of arts and bestower of nectar. Vadibha simha suri and Vadiraja, two master logicians who appropriate to their names conquered the opposing faiths were born in this family. Hastimalla, who could fight and conquer elephant like debaters and who propagated greatly the system of Arhat came next. He was a householder. Then came in the family Para-vadi-malla who was an exponent of Jaina sasanam. He was also a great debater who could defeat opponents in logics.

In this manner many Brahmins who were born in this family renounced the world and propagated the path of jina marga. There was in this family a Brahmin named Lokapalacarya, a householder. He was a great scholar worshipped by the Cola King. Along with the Chola king this Acarya reached the Western country that is Karnataka-desa. He had a son a named Samayanatha a great logician. His son was Kaviraja-malla virtually a great poet. His son was Cintamani an honest and at the same time great logician. His son was Anantavirya who was an eminent exponent of Ghata-vada? His son was Parya-natha a great scholar in the science of music. Adinatha, his son mastered Ayurveda. Vedi-kodandarama his son was an exponent of the science of archery –Dhanurveda. Brahmadeva practiced the six fold duties strictly. Devendra, his son was equal to Devndra in prowess was an expert in Samhita sastra and a great art connoisseur. He was much respected by the king and builder of Jaina temple etc. He was also a master of trivarga (dharma, artha, and kama) and beloved of his relatives. His wife Adidevika was born of Sri Vijayaparya and Srimati. She had three brothers the learned Chandappa, Brtahmasuri the great scholar, and Parsvanatha. Three sons were born to that Devendra and Adidevi. They were named Adinatha, Nemicandra and Vijayapa. Among them Adinatha was a great exponent of the teachings of all the Arahats. He had Trailokyanathta , Jinabhadra and others as sons. Vijayapa was an expert in Astronomy . His son Samantabhadra was a learned man in literature- Sahitya. Nemicandra ‘s strength was his learning in Grammar, logic and agamas. He learned under the great teacher Abhayacandra he became a great authority on pada-vakya-pramana i.e. linguistics He had two sons named Kalyana natha and Dharmasekhara The former became a master of all the Sastras while the later became a leading student among all the students.

Nemichandra

Nemicandra learned in all sastras fully and taught the sastras to ardent students always out of love for the Dharma. All learned men for writing Satya-sasana, Satya-pariksa, Mukhya -prakarana and other texts, praised him. He defeated in arguments many times the opposing religious teachers in the Royal court and established the greatness of Jainism. He was conferred by the King palanquin, parasol and other honours . He also gave wealth to mendicants and enjoyed all pleasures. He also erected Jain temples, mandapas, and colonies and streets. He offered music, instrumental music and dance (Gita, Veda and Nritya) in front of Parsvanatha. In this manner he was established in the trivarga namely dharma, artha and Kama and resides in the City Stira-kadamba adored by the King and his mind deeply engrossed in the adoration of the lotus feet of Parsvanatha. Once his uncles, sons, brothers, and their sons and other learned men approached him with the request to write a treatise on Pratishta sastra – A treatise on establishment and worship of temples and images of Jinas. They requested that this text should include the five Kalyanam rituals. In response to this request Nemicandra wrote this text Pratishta tilaka, to the best of his ability. At the end he appealed to scholar to forgive him if he has omitted any part from the composition. His prayer was that this text should be used by all the Yajnikas in the yajnas as it useful for the release of all bondages. This text with excellent sutras, composed with beauty, effulgence and lucidity, and is full of gem like poetry, and that which removes the sufferings of the people, brings happiness to blameless seers and is like a spike to the opponents, may reside in the mouth of good men so long as the sun and moon last. This Jina sasana is like moon attractive to the mind and removes darkness ad is the refuge of devotees. This is the seventeenth chapter of the text Pratishta tilaka dealing with festivals and the lineage of the author.

This somewhat close rendering of the chapter on the lineage of the Kavi poet is of historic interest. It would be advantageous to give the different names of the scholars mentioned here in a tabular form for easy comprehension.

Ist list

Adi-Brahma

Antya-Brahma alias Bharata

Brahmins

Some were the residents of Kanchipuram and were followers of Jina marga

1. Visakha-acarya taught Upasaka rahasya mahaveda
2. Akalanka Bhattaraka
3. Indra Nandi
4. Anantavirya who wrote Dipa vartika on the work of Akalanka
5. Virasena munindra
6. Jinasena muni
7. Vadibha simha and Vadi raja
8. Hastimalla
9. Prati-vadi-malla

The above and others were born in the above families

Iind list

1. Loka-pala-acarya worshipped by the Chola king. He went with the Chola king to the West that is the Karnata desa.
2. His son Samayanatha
3. His son Kaviraja malla
4. His son Cintamani
5. His son Anantavirya
6. His son Paryanatha exponent of sangita sastra
7. His son Adinatha exponent of Ayurveda
8. His son Vedi Koadanda-rama exponent of Dhanurveda Archer
9. His son Brahma deva
10. His son Devendra was adept in samhita sastra, Kala sastra and builder of Jain temples. He married Adi Devika. (Devika had four brothers named Candapa, Budhottama, Brahmasuri and Parsvanatha)
11. Devendra had three sons named Adinatha, Nemicandra and Vijayapa
12. Nemicandra had two sons Kalyana natha and Dharma sekhara

It may be observed that Nemichandra has carefully divided his lineage into two parts; Part one dealing with the ancestors who lived in Kanchipuram and about whom some information was available and that they hailed from the same lineage. The names of their parents or their teachers were not known. So he confines himself to saying that they came from this family. Obviously the list furnishes the outstanding scholars who lived in antiquity. 

The second list starts with Lokapala acarya whom the Chola king adored and who accompanied him to Karnataka desa. From then on we get the names of the family of Neminatha acarya in unbroken succession and all are listed in the order of father and son. It is interesting that this illustrious family had experts in Sangita, Ayurveda, Archery, Astronomy, Logic, Sahitya (literature) and dance, besides the Jaina treatises. Nemicandra could name 10 generations of his ancestors and show that there was a system keeping the family tree accurately at least up to ten generations. The list also has maintained the proficiency of each and every ancestor. Further we also find that the family of Nemicandra’s mother is also mentioned that shows the respect for women among Jains. Nmicandra is said to have lived in Stira kadamba city adored by the king who conferred on him the honours of palanquin and parasols. A point of interest is that Nemicandra is credited with introducing dance in the presence of Parsvanatha. He had also built several Jain temples and mandapas and streets etc. some of these acaryas are known to history and help us in understanding the context.

Tamil and Karnata Jainim

The Gangas of Talakkadu were great patrons of Jainism. One of the Ganga rulers with the title Prithvipati II was a contemporary of Parantaka Chola I. He figures in a copper plate of Parantaka Chola dated 931 CE. He also had the title Hastimalla. It is not unlikely he obtained the name Hastimalla from the Jaina acarya who also had the title Hastimalla. The Jaina acarya Hastimalla had a son named Prati-vadi-malla who figures as the last Acharya of the first part of the text Pratishta tilaka. The two Acaryas Hastimalla and Prati-vadi-malla were contemporaries of Parantaka Chola I. The next acarya mentioned by Nemicandra is Lokapalacarya. He must have been a contemporary of Parantaka’s son.

This information is corroborated by inscription in an extraordinary manner. Parantaka’s son Gandaraditya is mentioned in inscriptions as "The Chola who went to the West". He was celebrated as Sivajnana-cemmal a great Siva bhakta and one of the sacred hymns Thiruvisaippa was sung by him. An inscription from Jambai in North Arcot district is of interest in this regard. Gandaraditya’s queen was the famous Sembiyan mahadevi who renovated many Siva temples and consecrated several Bronze images of exquisite beauty. Thus Gandaraditya was known in the Saiva school as a great Saivite. However his title One who went to the West is not explained though occurs often. As Jain palli named Gandarditya perum Palli is mentioned it is not unlikely he leaned towards Jainism at certain stage of his life. The inscription reference to " One who went to the West" is confirmed by this text which says that the Chola king went to the West with the Jain teacher, Loka-pala-acarya. It was not known that what the term meant. It is seen from this text that the west is mentioned as West that is "Karnata desa". It is thus clear that Loka-pala-acarya went to Karnata desa with Gandarditya Chola that is in the middle of the 10^th cent..There was a close connection between Tamil Jainism and Karnata Jainis from early times to the present day. Many acaryas have gone from Tamilnad to Karnataka. The family of Nemichandra the author of this text is traced from Loka-pala-acarya. Nemichandra was the 10 th in succession from Loka-pala-acarya. If 25 years is given as an average for one generation, Nemichandra would have to be placed 250 years after Lokapala and Gandaraditya Chola which would place him around 1200 CE. This gives a fairly close date to this text at the beginning of 13^th cent. It was the time when many Hoysala temples were being built in Karnataka. Evidently the text Pratishta tilaka could have influenced many of the temples and their rituals in Karnataka. Against this background the Jaina temple rituals need to be studied. As the text is to be assigned to 13^th cent., the Jain temple rituals may be considered a tradition from the 13^th cent. But as mentioned by Nemichandra acarya this text was not his new creation but the one prescribed by eminent acaryas of antiquity like Indra Nandi. 

The text calls Jain temple Mandiram. The temple, meant for installing Jaina image –Jina-bimba is built for daily worship and conducting great fesrivals.. The daily worship is called nityamaha also called Jina yajna. while the festival is called mahotsava. The temple is built for the prosperity, fulfillment of all prayers, and obtaining eternal release of the the people The patron who builds the temple and is desirous of installing Jaina Image is called Yashta and the priest, Indra or Purandara.. On the tenth day prior to the installation, the patron should go with family women with akshatas-sacred rice in a receptacle to the house of the Priest who will be in charge of the ritual ceremonies and invite the priest to take charge of the ceremonies of installation and worship. The patron is expected to say that he is engaged in performing Jina yajna and hence this request. 

The priest thus invited should be one belonging to noble caste, region, family, and observances. He should be a person of good physique and pleasant to look at. He should be a selfless (Tyagi), honest (vagmi), follower of the Jaina system and observer all the vratas.. He should be well learned, constantly reciting the scriptures, should know astronomy, and a scholar of temple building.The priest should also know legal procedures and be capable of deciding diputes.He shoul not be a sudra. He should be easily accessable , humble, a calm personality with control over senses, and deeply knowledgable in Jain iconography and installation and an artist capable of creating what he sees. Such a person is called Yajaka – the priest. Such a priest is called Jina-ijyadi-kriya-nishtah and Dharmendrah which is again called Jaina yajna. 

When such a priest is invited he performs, acamana, proksahana, arghya, tarpana and japa after which he ascends an elephant and accompanied by assistants, reaches Jina temple, After worshipping the Jina he accepts the fragrance etc and then he worships Dharmacarya and prepares for the consecratory rites. The Jaina installation worship is classified into four categories as nityamahah, Kalpadruma mahah, caturmukhamahah, and ashtanhika mahah. 

After building Jain temple with devotion and endowing villages for meeting the expenses of daily worship, and creating a written record for the same, the kings bring from their residence materials to be used for worship in the temple and such a worship is called nityamaha. . This also entails daily gifts by the Kings.

If similar gifts are made and performed in a grand manner by Emperors it is called Caturmukha maha also called Sarvato-bhadra.

If kings make some donations they want to make it is called kalpa-druma-maha. It is meant for the fulfillment of prayers of the people.

If all men are involved , and includes the great Indra dhvaja flag(hoisting) etc and bali snapana etc. it is called Ashtanhika mahah..

Mahavira and the Buddha

By A. Berriedale Keith
Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies
1932.09, pp. 859-866

p. 859

           In  a  very  interesting  article, (l)  Professor
       Jacobi has arrived  at the conclusion  that, contrary
       to the Buddhist tradition, we must hold that Mahavira
       outlived the Buddha, probably by some seven years. In
       point  of fact, of course, it may seem of very little
       consequence  whether  we accept  this view or that of
       Buddhist  tradition, but  the issue  involves  a very
       important   question  affecting   the  value  of  our
       authorities, and on this point  it seems  to me clear
       that  the  position   adopted  by  Professor   Jacobi
       involves serious difficulties.

           Professor    Jacobi   treats   as   the   assured
       foundations  for his investigations  the dates of the
       Nirvanas  of the Buddha  and of Mahavira, as 484  and
       477 B.C.  But it must  be admitted  that  both  these
       dates rest on very unsatisfactory  and late evidence.
       The question  of the date of the Buddha  has been set
       out, with his usual acumen and precision, recently by
       Professor  de La Vallee  Poussin,(2) and he has shown
       how utterly uncertain is the date 483 or 484 B.C. for
       the Nirvana.  From a very different point of view the
       late Professor Rhys Davids confessed(3) that the date
       was purely conjectural.  We may readily  believe that
       the Buddha died sometime  in the fifth century  B.C.,
       but to lay any stress on the exact date is completely
       impossible  with  the  evidence  available.  What  is
       perfectly clear is that knowledge of the early period
       of Buddhism  was imperfect,(4)  and  the same  remark
       applies  even more  strikingly  to the traditions  of
       Jainism.   In  the  case  of  Mahavira   the  earlier
       tradition--of uncertain date--is emphatic in allowing
       470 years between  his Nirvana  and the beginning  of
       the Vikrama  era, which places the date in 528 or 527
       B.C.  The  later  tradition,  given  in  Hemacandra's
       Paricistaparvan, viii, 339, and somewhat  earlier  in
       Bhadrecvara's  Kahavali, ascribes  155  years  as the
       period   between   the   death   of   Mahavira    and
       Candragupta's  accession  to the  throne  of Magadha,
       which  gives  477  B.C.   as  the  probable  date  of
       Mahavira's  death.  Here  again  we  are  on  utterly
       uncertain ground. We are obliged to treat the earlier
       Jain tradition as of minimal value
       ______________________

       1. SBA. 1930, pp. 557-68.
       2. Indo-europeens et Indo-iraniens, pp.238--48; L'Inde
          aux Temp des Mauryas, p.50
       3. CHI. i, pp. 171, 172.
       4. Keith, Buddhist Philosophy, chap. i.

                              p. 860

       and there seems every  ground  for so doing;  but the
       tradition accepted by Hemacandra  rests equally on no
       assured  foundation.  The  only  possible  conclusion
       regarding  it is that  it cannot  be  trusted  to  be
       accurate  within  a few  years, and  it seems  wholly
       impossible  to base on two dates so acquired the view
       that  we must believe  that  the Buddha.  predeceased
       Mahavira. Nor is it irrelevant to note that Professor
       Jacobi(1)  himself  has  adopted  slightly  different
       dates,   namely   477   and   467   B.C.   in   other
       contributions; but what is more important is that the
       Jaina tradition  contains one certain error which, if
       rectified, destroys  the value  of its testimony  for
       477 B.C.  By that tradition, apparently  accepted  by
       Hemacandra  as well as the rest  of Jain opinion, the
       date of the accession of Candragupta is placed at 255
       years  before  the  Vikrama  era, i.e., in 313 or 312
       B.C. This date is obviously too late; if we take 322,
       as does Professor  Jacobi, as a probable date(2) then
       we must admit a clear error in the Jain tradition  of
       about  ten  years   in  respect   of  this  interval;
       admitting   a  like  error   regarding   the  earlier
       interval, that between  the accession  of Candragupta
       and  the death  of Mahavira, we would  arrive  at 487
       B.C.  for the death  of the  latter, and  this  would
       place that event before  the death of the Buddha, and
       confirm  the Buddhist  tradition.  This shows clearly
       with  what  inadequate  data  we have  to reckon, and
       leaves the conviction  that the supposed dates of the
       deaths of the two great teachers are of too uncertain
       character to afford_any conclusion as to the priority
       of these events.

           On the other hand, we have the clear and distinct
       tradition  of the Buddhist  Canon which asserts  that
       Mahavira, died  before  the Buddha  and does  so, not
       incidentally, but as giving  rise  to allocutions  of
       the  Master  regarding  the tenets  of his  teaching,
       recorded in the Pasadika Suttanta of the Digha Nikaya
       and the Samagama Suttanta of the Majjhima Nikaya, and
       of Sariputta, at the  Master's  bidding, in the  this
       definite  tradition  recorded in canonical  texts?(3)
       That these texts  belong  to the  Period immediately
       after the death of the Buddha.  I confess I do not
       believe, but  they  far  outrank  in age the tradi-
       tions  of the dates of the deaths  of the Buddha and
       Mahavira, and give us
       ______________________

       1. Introduction to Kalpa Sutra, p. 9; Introduction to
          Paricistaparvan, p.6.
       2. In CHI. i, pp. 471-3, 321 is suggested as plausible.
          For other dates see L. de La Vallee Poussin, L'Inde
          aux Temps des mauryas, pp. 51, 52.
       3. The Upali Suttanta clearly asserts an illness, if
          not the death, of Mahavira; Chalmers SBB. v, p. 278,
          n.2.

                              p. 861

       authentic  views  of  the  belief  held  in  Buddhist
       circles  at  some  period  considerably   before  the
       Christian era.  If we are to discredit their account,
       we must be prepared to accept the consequences, which
       involve acceptance of a scepticism as to the value of
       the Buddhist and Indian traditions  in general, which
       is  quite  inconsistent  with  the  faith  placed  by
       Professor  Jacobi in the tradition as to the dates of
       the Nirvanasa or his acceptance  of the view that the
       Kautill;ya  Arthacastra  is the work of a minister of
       the  Emperor  Candragupta.  If we are  on any logical
       ground  to  discredit  the  Buddhist  tradition, very
       strong  arguments  are necessary, and  those  adduced
       seem quite inadequate.

           It  is contended  by Professor  Jacobi  that  the
       evidence of the three Suttantas  is destroyed  by the
       fact that, while all agree in making the occasion  of
       Mahavira's   death  and  consequent   unrest  in  his
       community  the  cause  of the  dissertations  on  the
       Buddhist  tenets,  the  divergence  of  the  form  of
       argument  in the three  Suttas  shows  that  cannot
       represent what the Buddha actually said. This may, of
       course, be conceded  at once by those  who believe(1)
       that we have little or nothing of the ipsissima verba
       of the Master.  The view which seems natural  is that
       the Buddhists  believed that there was difficulty  in
       the Jain community  on the death of their leader, and
       that  this  took  place  before  the Buddha's  death,
       eliciting  from him comments, which were probably not
       preserved  in any authentic form, leaving it open for
       the  composers   of  the  Suttantas  to  present  the
       teachings each in his own way. The essential point is
       really that different  Buddhist authors held the same
       tradition, which  shows  that it was a belief  handed
       down  by tradition  and  widely  spread  in  Buddhist
       circles.

           In the second place, Professor Jacobi argues that
       the account in these Suttantas is contradicted by the
       account  in the Mahaparinibbana  Suttanta, the oldest
       account of the proceedings  of the Buddha's last year
       up to his Nirvana.  This text  does not refer  to any
       special  anxiety  of the Buddha as to the fate of his
       community  after his death as having been elicited by
       the  report  of the dissensions  in the community  of
       Mahavira, whence it is deduced  that this report is a
       later invention.  But this reasoning rests on several
       unproved  assumptions.  (1) That  the Mahaparinibbana
       Suttanta  is older than the other three Suttantas  is
       assumed without any arguments  being adduced, and its
       age certainly is far from obvious. On the contrary,
       ______________________

       1. See Winternitz, Geschichte der Indischen Litteratur,
          ii, pp. 360 f.

                              p. 862

       it appears  to be a very sophisticated  and worked up
       account  of the last days  of the Buddha, and in fact
       it is not open to Professor Jacobi to contend for its
       early date.  He himself  shortly  afterwards  (p.562)
       refers to the account given in that text of the plans
       of Ajatacatru  for the  subjection  of the Vrjis, and
       points  out that  the undertaking  was one  demanding
       careful   planning.   He  adds:  "Uber  die  von  ihm
       getroffenen  Massnahmen  enthalt das M.P.S.  Angaben,
       die aber in viel spaterer  Zeit entstanden  und darum
       so gut wie wertlos  sind."  Very  probably  Professor
       Jacobi's  view of the statements  of the Suttanta  is
       correct; but it is quite impossible to hold this view
       of it, and then  to ask us to accept  the silence  of
       the Suttanta  as entitling  us to negate the evidence
       of three Suttantas, two of which at least may well be
       older   than   the  Mahaparinibbana   Suttanta.   (2)
       Moreover, the argument is essentially one ex silentio
       and there is no form of contention more dangerous. It
       would  be necessary, in order  to give  it weight, to
       show that the omission of the episode of the Buddha's
       views on hearing of Mahavira's death is inexplicable,
       if its occurrence  were widely  believed  in Buddhist
       circles.   No  such   proof,  however,  is  possible.
       Professor  Jacobi's  view  appears  to  be  that  the
       episode of the hearing of the death of Mahavira  took
       place during the last journey  of the Buddha en route
       to Kusinara, and that, therefore, any full account of
       his last days must necessarily include the episode in
       question.  If this view  were sound, there  might  be
       something  to  say  for  his  contention, though  the
       argument  would  be far from  conclusive.  But  there
       seems no ground whatever to assume that the Buddhists
       thought that the news of Mahavira's death came to the
       Buddha just before his own

           The Samagama Suttanta has nothing to suggest such
       a conclusion.  On  the  contrary  the  Buddha  is  at
       Samagama  when he hears  of the death of Mahavira  at
       Pava,(l) and equally  in the other two Suttantas  the
       Buddha's  utterances  are not connected  with his own
       last  stay at Pava.(2)  The fact  that  the death  of
       Mahavira evokes the mention Nirvana.
       ______________________

       1. Cunda here appears as a novice, and so also in the
          Pasadika Suttanta, which marks him out from his
          description in the Mahaparinibbana Suttanta. The
          Samgiti  Suttanta  does not use this  term of him,
          and  seems   to  have   been  influenced   by  the
          Mahaparinibbana  in this  point;  compare  Franke,
          Digha Nikaya, p.  229.  Two Cundas  can hardly  be
          admitted, though the Mahaparinibbana  is certainly
          confused.
       2. The Samgiti sets the scene in Pava, but under quite
          other    circumstances    than   those    of   the
          Mahaparinibbana, namely  the  consecration  of the
          new Mote-Hall of the Mallas.  This indicates  that
          the author  had on desire  to connect  the episode
          recorded  with the death of the Buddha  also.  The
          location  at  Samagama  seems  the  more  accurate
          account.  The fact that Cunda of Pava brought  the
          news to Ananda  no doubt encouraged  the idea that
          the declaration of views took place at that town.

                               p. 863

       of the possibility  of the effect on the order of the
       Buddha's  death does not indicate that that death was
       then imminent. It may be noted also that in the Upali
       Suttanta  the Buddha was at Nalanda  when the episode
       of the defection  of Upali  had so evil an effect  on
       Mahavira  that  it  brought  about, according  to the
       tradition followed by Buddhaghosa, his death at Pava.
       At any rate, it is clear  that  we have no reason  to
       assert  that Buddhist  tradition  placed the death of
       Mahavira  close to that of the Buddha, and it is then
       obvious  that  the  silence  of  the  Mahaparinibbana
       Suttanta is inevitable.  If the tradition  placed the
       episode  as  to  Mahavira  before  the  short  period
       covered  by  that  Suttanta, it  could  not  possibly
       include it in its narrative.  So far, therefore, from
       correcting  the version  of the other  Suttantas, the
       Mahaparinibbana  Suttanta  accords  excellently  with
       them.  Nor(3)  can  it be admitted  that  the Buddha,
       according  to  tradition, shows  no concern  for  the
       future  of his  order  after  his  death.  This  runs
       counter to the fact, recorded  in the Mahaparinibbana
       Suttanta  itself, that  he assured  Ananda  that  the
       place  of himself  as teacher  would be taken  by his
       doctrine.   This  assurance  is  significant  of  the
       position.  It accords  exactly with the frame of mind
       asserted   in  the  other  Suttantas   to  have  been
       engendered by the news of the dissensions in the Jain
       community on Mahavira's death. In the three Suttantas
       alike, the result  of the news  is to make the Buddha
       insist that his doctrines  provided a definite system
       which would prevent schisms in the community.  In the
       Mahaparinibbana the Buddha gives the same advice; his
       doctrine is to serve as the norm.  So far, therefore,
       from the Mahaparinibbana  contradicting the testimony
       of the  three  Suttantas, it is perfectly  consistent
       with it, while there is no evidence  whatever that it
       is earlier in date that the other three Suttantas, or
       at least two of them.

           Thirdly, to strengthen  his view  that the Buddha
       could not have known of strain  in the Jain community
       on Mahavira's  death, Professor  Jacobi insists  that
       there  is no record  in the Jain tradition  of such a
       catastrophe  in the Jain  community  at the death  of
       Mahavira  as is suggested  by the Buddhist tradition.
       No schism, it can be asserted, was occasioned  by the
       death  of Mahavira.  Indeed  sects  among  the  Jains
       developed  relatively late, save  in the case  of the
       division  into Cvetambaras  and Digambaras  which was
       not the result of a single  period  of conflict.  The
       Buddhists, on the  other  hand, knew  of  schisms  in
       their own community, arising  soon after the Master's
       death  and resulting  in the development  of the  new
       religion  of the Mahayana.  They did not realize that
       Mahavira was not the founder

                             p. 864

       of a new religion, but merely the reformer of that of
       Parcva, so that  on Mahavira's  death  no catastrophe
       was possible. The Buddhist account, therefore, in the
       three Suttantas  is based erroneous assumptions  and
       was evoked by dogmatic needs.

           This  interesting  suggestion  rests  on  a  very
       unsound basis. It assumes that the Buddhists believed
       that a formal schism  or a catastrophe  afficted  the
       Jain congregation on the death of Mahavira.  But this
       is much  more  than  we can justly  deduce  from  the
       Buddhist  statements.  All that is said is that there
       arose disputes, division, and a wordy warfare  in the
       community  and that the lay followers  were disgusted
       with  the monks.  Not a suggestion  is made of a real
       schism  or  catastrophe, and  there  seems  no reason
       whatever  to suppose that the Suttantas  intended  to
       assert  that  such  a schism  occurred.  Moreover, it
       seems  hard  to accept  the view  of the paucity  and
       lateness  of  schisms  in  the  Jain  community.  The
       evidence  is that Mahavira  was much troubled  by the
       rivalry  of Gocala, whether we regard him as strictly
       within  the  Jain  community  or not,(l) that  in his
       fourteenth  year  of  power  his  son-in-law, Jamali,
       raised opposition to him, and persisted in opposition
       to his death, while two years after Jamali's  revolt,
       Tisagutta  stood out in opposition.(2)  Moreover, the
       divergence   between  Cvetambara   and  Digambara  is
       fundamental, as is fully recognized  by Jains  at the
       present day,(3) so that it was certainly  unnecessary
       for Buddhists  to go to their own experience  to find
       justification for the belief in divergence within the
       Jain community.  There is, in fact, nothing  whatever
       to suggest  that  Buddhist  tradition  was  wrong  in
       asserting that Mahavira's death caused commotions  in
       the Jain community.  To judge  from  the bitter  feud
       between  Mahavira  and Gocala and from the revolts of
       Jamali and Tisagutta, not to mention the defection of
       Upali, we may take  it as certain  that the community
       was  far from  being  in ideal  unity  of heart.  The
       argument  that there could be no schism, because  (1)
       Mahavira  was the child of parents who were adherents
       of Parcvanatha, as he perhaps  also was, and (2) as a
       Kevalin, Mahavira  was above  all worldly  interests,
       cannot  be accepted.  Apart from the fact that we are
       not told of anything  so serious as a definite schism
       or catastrophe, it is clear that Mahavira was no mere
       follower of Parcvanatha. The Jain tradition
       ______________________

       1. Hoernle, ERE. i, pp. 267 ff., held that the Jain
          division  into  Digambara  and Cvetambara  mav  be
          traced back to the beginning of Jainism, being due
          to  the  antagonism  of Mahavira  and  Gocala, the
          representatives of two hostile sects.
       2. See Chimanlal J. Shah, Jainism in Northern India,
          pp. 60-5.
       3. Chimanlal J. Shah, op. cit., p.78.

                              p. 865

       does not even assert that he was an adherent, but, on
       the contrary, tells us distinctly that he departed in
       an essential  from the doctrines  of his predecessor,
       as  was  long  ago  stressed  by Professor  Jacobi(1)
       himself, who held that  the innovation  postulated  a
       decline  in the  morality  of the  community  between
       Parcva and Mahavira. Moreover, even if, as a Kevalin,
       Mahavira was superior to worldly considerations, what
       has that  to do with the effect  of his death  on the
       community? The disappearance  of a great  teacher  is
       always a time of trial for his adherents, and, so far
       from  doubting  the truth  of the  assertions  of the
       Buddhist texts, we may treat them as representing the
       normal  result as in the case of Purana  Kassapa, and
       common  sense  invites  us to believe  that  what  is
       normal really happens.

           Still   less  satisfactory   is  the  explanation
       offered  by  Professor  Jacobi  of the  cause  of the
       alleged  Buddhist  error.  The  Buddhists, he  holds,
       confused the place of Mahavira's  death, which is now
       identified with a village, Papapuri (Pavapuri) in the
       Bihar  part of the Patna  district, with  the town(2)
       Pava in which the Buddha stayed in the house of Cunda
       on the way to Kusinara.  The correctness  of the Jain
       identification,  Professor  Jacobi  holds, cannot  be
       doubted. This seems a strange assertion, for he holds
       that the three Suttantas  fall in the second or third
       century  after the Nirvana of the Buddha, and he does
       not  give  any  indication  of the  age  of the  Jain
       identification.(3)  To assert an error on the part of
       the Buddhists  demands support by adduction  of proof
       of the early date of the Jain view, which appears  to
       be lacking  and, at any  rate, is urgently  required.
       But, apart from this minor consideration, what ground
       is there for holding that a mistake as to a place was
       sufficient  to cause the invention of an assertion of
       the death of Mahavira  in the lifetime of the Buddha?
       It  is  perfectly  legitimate  to  suppose  that  the
       Buddhists  were  right  in placing  the death  of the
       rival  teacher  before  that  of Buddha, even if they
       confused the two places.  But that they were wrong in
       their identification is so far quite unproved, though
       possible.

           It must  be added  that  the tradition  that  the
       Buddha  died  after  Mahavira,  thus  asserted   with
       particularity  in the Buddhist texts, recorded within
       two or three centuries after his death, according to
       ______________________

       1. IA. ix, p. 160.
       2. Jacobi (p. 561) ascribes Pava to the Cakyas, but it
          is clear that it was a Malla town.
       3. The Kalpa Sutra ascribed to Bhadrabahu is clearly
          not by that author, and is wholly uncertain in date;
          see Winternitz, Geschichte der Indischen Litteratur,
          ii, pp. 309 f.

                             p. 866

       Professor Jacobi's own dating, is not contradicted by
       anything  expressed  in the Jain  tradition, and that
       the  contradiction   rests  on  the  strength   of  a
       deduction from two late and unsatisfactory traditions
       fixing the date of the deaths of the two teachers. If
       the  Jain  tradition  contradicted  the  Buddhist  by
       asserting  that Mahavira  died after  the Buddha, the
       case  for Professor  Jacobi's  view  would  assume  a
       different aspect; but, though the Jains must for many
       centuries  have been aware of the Buddhist assertion,
       there  has  been  adduced  no passage  in which  they
       negatived it. The obvious conclusion is that no doubt
       existed in either comunity on this point.

           Professor Jacobi has endeavoured  on the basis of
       the Jain and Buddhist traditions  to throw some light
       on the political  development  of Magadha in the time
       of  the  great  teachers.  but  it may  seriously  be
       doubted if we can make anything very satisfactory out
       of these confused and obviously biased records. There
       is no independent control available, and combinations
       thus become subjective to the highest degree. But one
       point  with which  he deals  elsewhere(1)  should  be
       noted,  his  belief  that  Parcva   can  be  assigned
       confidently  to a period 250 years before Mahavira, a
       view  which  is utilized  by him as assigning  to the
       early part of the eighth century B.C.  that influence
       of popular  religious  belief  on Indian  philosophy,
       which led to the innovations  of the Yoga and Samkhya
       systems,  involving   (1)  belief   in  the  personal
       immortality  of souls, and  (2)  the  recognition  of
       moral  principles,  and  thus  advancing  beyond  the
       monistic  tendency of the older Upanisads  with their
       intellectual  disdain  for morals.  We really  cannot
       accept, as in any sense  valid, the date assigned  to
       Parcvanatha.   If  Jain   tradition   was  wrong,  as
       Professor Jacobi holds it was.  in dating the Nirvana
       of Mahavira, how can  we trust  its assertions  for a
       period   250  years  earlier?  The  mere  figure   is
       suspicious, and why  should  We give  it any  greater
       credence  than we do to the figures equally  afforded
       by tradition(2)  for the number of his adherents? All
       that we can possibly rescue from the tradition is the
       belief in the existence of Parcva at some time before
       Mahavira;  to claim  more  is misleading.  There  are
       other  objections  to certain  features  of Professor
       Jacobi's most interesting reconstruction of the early
       Yoga,  but  these  must  be  dealt  with  on  another
       occasion.(3)
       ______________________

       1. SBA. 1930, pp. 326, 327.
       2. See Kalpa Sutra, sections 161-4.
       3. It is dubious if the Bhagavati vii, 9, 2, can be
          understood, as by Professor Jacobi (p. 564), as
          meaning that the Mallakis and Licchavis were the
          chief of the Kacis and Kosalas.

Cultural Contribution of Jain Acharyas

By Dr. Vilas Sangave

The survival of Jainas, though as a minority community for the last so many centuries in India and especially in South India, can be safely attribute, among other things, to the glorious and continuous tradition of Jaina Saints for more than a thousand years. The Jaina Saints were extremely talented persons with a high and developed sense of social responsibility. They never attempted to lead a solitary life in isolation from others. On the contrary, the Jaina Saints always tried to forge and preserve intimate contacts with general masses so as to encourage them to lead a religious and virtuous life. further, the Jaina Saints took continuous interest in the social, political and educational advancement of the region. They exercised their benign influence to banish harmful anti - social practices from society, to create facilities for the spread of religious and secular education among the general public. Moreover, by their, valuable and strenuous scholastic and missionary activities the Jaina Saints made significant and lasting contributions with a view to enriching the cultural life of the region.

The varied activities of a large number of eminent Jaina Saints contributed to the continuation of the Jaina community for a long period, because these activities produced a deep impression upon the general public regarding the sterling qualities of Jaina Saints. They were mainly responsible for the spread of Jainism all over India. The Chronicles of Ceylon a test that Jainism also spread in Ceylon. As regards South India, it can be maintained that the whole of it in ancient times was strewn with small groups of learned Jaina ascetics who were slowly but surely spreading their morals through the medium of their sacred literature composed in various vernaculars of the country. It is clear that these literary, educational and missionary activities of the Jaina Saints ultimately helped the Jainas in South India to strengthen their position for a long time in the face of the Hindu revival. The important Jaina Saints from the South were Kunda-Kunda, Umasvati, Samantabhadra, Pujyapada, Akalanka, Vidyanandin, Manikyanandin, Prabhachandra, Virasena. Jinasena, Gunabhadra and Somadeva.

Of these illustrious Jaina Saints, Acharya Samantabhadra and Acharya Akalanka were the foremost in their zeal of spread of Jainism. Acharya Samantabhadra toured all over India and defeated his opponents in the public disputations. In the Shravana-Belgola inscription Acharya Samantabhadra is described as “One whose sayings are an adamantine goad to the elephant, the disputant, and by whose power this whole earth became barren (i.e. was rid) of even the talk of false speakers”. Similarly Acharya Akalanka defeated the Buddhists in public disputation at Kanchi in the 7th or 8th century A.D. in consequence of which they were banished to Ceylon.

Even in the political matters the Jaina Saints used to take keen interest and guide the people whenever required in the Karnataka region the Gangas and the Hoyasalas were inspired to establish new kingdoms by the Jaina Saints. The Ganga Kingdom in the 2nd century A.D. was a virtual creation of the famous Jaina Saint Simhanandi and naturally practically all Ganga monarchs championed the cause of Jainism. Like the Ganga Kingdom in the 2ne century A.D. the Hoyasala monarchs and generals extended their patronage to Jainism and carefully looked after the interest of the Jainas.

Along with the carrying of these missionary and political activities, the Jaina Saints tried to excel in their personal accomplishment also. In a work entitled “Pujyapadacharita” the names of 37 arts and sciences mastered by Acharya Pujyapada are given. In the 7th century A.D. the famous Chinese pilgrim Hiuen Tsiang had heard of old times during which the Nirgranthas (i.e. the Jaina ascetics) were skilled in divination.

In face the most impressive and permanent contribution of Jaina Saints has been in the field of literature, both religious and secular. Among the Jaina saint authors of the South. Acharya Kunda-kunda is by far the earliest, the best known and the most important. His influence over Jainism as a whole is indicated by the fact that almost all later writers, teachers and men of not, either in their works, genealogies or inscriptions, trace their descent from Acharya Kund-Kunda, calling themselves “Kundakundanvaya.” He is supposed to have composed in all not less than 84 works, but only 23 works are now extant of which Pravachanasara, Samayasara, Niyamsara, Panchastikaya, Rayanasara, Astapahuda and Baras Anuvekkha are more prominent. After Acharya Kunda-Kunda the next name in importance is that of Umasvati or Umasvami who is said to have been a disciple of Acharya Kunda-Kunda.umasvati is best known for his unique treatise entitled, “Tattvarthadhigama Sutra” which is respected both by the Digambara and the Svetambara sects of the Jains. This popular treatise is sometimes called “Jaina Bible” just as Acharya Kunda-Kunda’s works are at times described as “the Jaina Vedanta”. The Tattvarthadhigama Sutra” is considered unique because it has attracted several commentators of repute. Chief among these commentators are Samanabhadra, Pujypada, akalanka, Vidyananda, Prabhachandra and Shrutasagara. The extreme importance of Umasvati’s this treatise can be judged both by the number and extend of these commentaries. For example Samntabhadra’s commentary entitled “Gandhagasti-Mahabhashya” is supposed to have run into 84,000 stanzas, but unfortunately the work is not extant. Another Jaina Saint author of high eminence is Somadeva, perhaps by far the most learned of Jaina writers of the South. Somadev’s two works, which immensely raised his reputation among the authors of India are “Yashodhara written in mixed prose and verse, and ‘Nitivakyamruta’ a treatise on polity. What make Somadeva’s work of very great importance are the learning of the author which they display, and the masterly style in which they are composed. The esteemed position which he earned by his merit could be gauged by his following honorific titles; ‘Syadvadachalasimha’ i.e. the lion on the mountain of Syadvada, ‘Tarkika-chakravartin’ i.e. the lord of the logician, “Vadibhapanchanana’ i.e. a lion to the disputants, Vakkallaola payonidhi, i.e. an ocean of the waves of eloquence, and ‘Kavikularaja’ i.e. the king of the poets. As regards Somadeva’s position in Sanskrit literature, the great oriental scholar Dr. K.K. Handiqui observes thus : while Somadeva made substantial contributions to Jaina religious literature, his literary importance and achievement go beyond its narrow limits; and the value of his work can be assessed in relation to Sanskrit literature as a whole. He is one of the most versatile talents in history of Indian literature, and his masterpiece ‘Yashastilaka and Nitivakyamruta’ supplement each other. He is a redactor of ancient folk tales and religious stories, and at times shows himself and adept in dramatic dialogue. Last but not least, he is a keen observer of man and manners. The position of Somadeva is indeed, unique in Sanskrit literature”

a remarkable feature of Jaina Saint authors of the South is the direct succession of highly qualified and equally capable teachers and their disciples. The classic example of this rare type is that of Acharya Virasena, his disciple Acharya Jinasena, and Jinasena’s disciple Acharya Gunabhadra, who flourished in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. during the reign of the Rashtrakuta monarchs.

Acharya Virasena is supposed to have written “Siddha-bhupaddhatitika” a learned treatise on the measurement of land as he was a great mathematician also. But this treatise has not been traced as yet. He composed his famous “Dhavala - Tika” consisting of 72,000 stanzas in Prakrit and Sanskrit language. It is a commentary on the renowned work “Shatkhandagama Sutra”. Acharya Virasena also undertook to write “Jayadhavala-Tika” as a commentary on “Kashaya-Prabhruta” of Acharya Gunabhadra. Acharya Virasena died after composing 20,000 stanzas of the “Jayadhavala -Tika” which was to consist of 60,000 stanzas. The remaining 40,000 stanzas of the “Jayadhavala -Tika” Acharya Jinasena composed “Vardhamana-Purana”, the distinctive poetic work “Parshva-bhyudya”. In his “Parshvabhyudya” Jinasena has performed the wonderful feat of utilising each line of the love poem “Meghafuta” of Kalidasa for narrating the life of the 23rd Tirthankara Lord Parshvanatha. The concluding line of each verse in Jinasena’s poem has been borrowed from the successive stanzas of Meghaduta. Thus poetic work “Parshvabhyudaya” consisting of 334 stanzas in unparalleled in Sanskrit literature. Later on Acharya Jinasena started to write a great poetic work to be known as “Mahapurana” depicting the life-history of 63 Great Ones in Jainism. But unfortunately he could not finish the work. After composing 1 to 42 Parvas or Chapters and 3 stanzas of 43rd Parva, i.e. in all 10, 380 stanzas, Jinasena died. This portion of “Mahapurana” known as “Adi-Purana” was ably completed by Acharya Gunabhadra the disciple of Acharya Jinasena. Gunabhadra composed 43rd to 47th Parvas (i.e. In all 1620 stanzas) and completed the “Adipurana” the unfinished work of his teacher. In the same strain Gunabhadra also composed “Uttara-Purana” consisting of 8000 stanzas.

In this manner Gunabhadra very satisfactorily completed the literary project of “Mahapurana” commenced by his teacher, Jinasena. In addition, Gunabhadra composed “Atmanushasana” a poem of 272 stanzas and 3 Sargas or Chapters of “Jinadatta Charitra”. Thus in a very significant manner the continuity of literary activities was ably maintained by the Jaina Saints.

More than anything else, the role played by the Jaina Saints in the realm of learning is supreme. They educated the rising generations from the rudimentary knowledge of three R’s to the highest levels of literary and scientific studies. They initiated the intelligential into the mysteries of literary art and inspired their creative genius. All this produced epoch making results as witnessed by the posterity. Some of the best and the earliest literary productions in South India are from the Jaina Saint authors. It must be said to the credit of the Jaina saints that they took a leading part in the education of the masses. Various relics show that formerly Jaina ascetics took a great share in teaching children in southern regions viz. Andhra, Tamilnadu, Karnataka and Maharashtra. In this connection Dr. Altekar rightly observes that before beginning the alphabet proper the children are required to pay homage to Ganesh, by reciting the “Shri Ganeshya Namah”, (natural in Hindu Society), but in the Deccan even today following the Jaina formula,” “Om Namah Siddham” shows that the Jaina teachers of the medieval age had so completely controlled the mass education that the Hindus continued to teach their children this originally Jaina formula even after the decline of Jainism. As a result of these varied and significant activities the Jaina Saints or monks greatly succeeded in exercising a mighty influence for serve centuries on the cultural life of the people of the south and in moulding its course in various respects. With a view to achieving the rapid spread of religion, the Jaina Saints penetrated into the farthest recesses of the land and established temples and monasteries for this purpose. The Jaina Saints, with their continuos, devoted and self-less service, made lasting impression on the mind and heart of the masses. The Jaina Saints attended not only to the spiritual yearnings and religious needs of the masses, but also looked to their material requirements.

Thus in South India the Jaina Saint came to be regarded as a symbol of learning and passed into the proverb as a “scholar par excellence”. This is illustrated by the following interesting citation which, though a series of epic metaphors, bestows the highest praise on him. The passage runs thus; “Who can withstand the Jaina Monk in a contest, when he lifts his pen, as when Arjuna, his Gandiva bow, Indra, his thunderbolt, Vishnu, his disc, or Bhima, his mace?”

In view if these high accomplishments of the Jaina saints and their varied contributions to the culture of the region concerned, princes and people alike had a great regard for the Jaina Saints in different parts of the country. Even the Muslim rulers of Delhi honoured and showed reverence to the learned Jaina Saints of South India. Similarly, the Muslim Emperors like Aurangazeb, Farrukhasiyar, Mohammadshah and Ahmedshah granted some privileges to the Jaina Saints of Marwar. Regarding the influence of Jaina Saints in Rajasthan, Lieutenant Colonel James Todd remarks: “To show the respect in which the high priests of Jainas are held, the princes of Rajputana invariably advance outside the walls of their capital to receive and to conduct them to it - mark of respect paid only to princes. It is no wonder that the character and activities of such influential Jaina Saints created and atmosphere which helped to lengthen the life of the Jaina community.

Antiquity of Jainism

1. The Historical Background

1.1 Antiquity of Sramana System

Sixth Century B.C.

The Brahmanas were dominant in society during the period of the Nigantha Nataputta and the Buddha. Their ritualism was represented by the priest who "vigorously claimed that the welfare and, indeed, the very existence of the world, including even the gods, depended upon the maintenance of their systems of sacrifice, which grew to immense size and complexity." ¹ Their "rites and ceremonies multiplied and absorbed man's mind to a degree unparalleled in the history of the world and literature occupied itself with the description or discussion of the dreary ceremonial." ²

Vedic System

The Brahmanical religious system had its beginning in early Vedic literature. The term Brahmana is derived from the root brh to grow, expand, evolve, develop, swell the spirit or soul. ³ The priests, who were the custodians of such prayers, assumed a very high degree of spiritual supremacy in Vedic society and were considered to be the very progeny of Prajapati, the creator - God (Brahmano viprasya Prajapaterva a patymiti Brahmano). For the sole purpose of preserving spiritual leadership the Brahmanas evolved a system of very elaborate sacrifices. These sacrifices were considered to be eternal and even the creation of the world was believed to be the result of a sacrifice. The rites were performed both to gain worldly enjoyment and to injure one's enemies.

Later Vedic literature

In later Vedic literature the value of the actual sacrifices was transferred to their symbolic representation and to meditation on them. ⁴ Later on, Upanisadic thinkers observed that the nature of soul could be described only in negative terms; the atman was said to be neither this nor that (neti neti), and was regarded as free from sin, old age, death, grief, hunger, and thirst. Its desires were true. Its cognitions were true. A man who knows such atman gets all his desires and all worlds. ⁵ The soul or Brahman pervaded all objects of the universe. The universe has come out of Brahman.

Thus "we find the simple faith and devotion of the Vedic hymns, on the one hand, being sup planted by the growth of a complex system of sacrificial rites, and on the other, bending their course towards a mon otheistic or philosophic knowledge of the ultimate reality of the universe." ⁶

The social outlook and the goal of life of the Vedic system were based on the caste system. The so-called Sudras, the lower community, were considered ineligible to perform spiritual rites. ⁷

Sramana System

There prevailed, at that time, another stream of cultural current which was quite independent of the Brahmanical or Vedic current and, probably older than it.

The word Sramana is derived from "Sram" to exert effort, labour, or to perform austerity, but is mixed in meaning with Sam a wandered, recluse. ⁸ One who performs acts of mortification or austerity is called Sramana (Sramayati tapasyatiti Sramanah). ⁹

The Sramana cultural system was based on equality. According to it, a being is himself responsible for his own deeds. Salvation, therefore, can be obtained by anybody. The cycle of rebirth to which every individual was subjected was viewed as the cause and substratum of misery. The goal of every person was to evolve a way to escape from the cycle of rebirth. Each school of Sramanas preached its own way of salvation. But they all agreed in one respect, namely, in discounting ritual as a means of emancipation and establishing a path of moral, mental and spiritual development as the only means of escaping from the misery of sam sara.

Thus the Vedic cultural system differs from Sramana cultural system in three respects; viz. (a) attitude to society, (b) goal of life, and (c) outlook towards living creatures. Consequently, both these cults were so opposed to each other that Panini and Patanjali referred to them as having Sasvat-virodha and Govyaghravat-virodha.

Independent origin of the Saramana cultural system

There are two principal theories in regard to the origin of the Sramana cult: according to one (1) It is more or less a protest against the orthodox Vedic cult, and, according to the other (2) It is of an independent origion. The first theory, though supported by Winternitz, Rhys David, E. Leunman etc., is no longer accepted by the majority of Jain scholars. ¹²

From the survey of various theories about the origin of the Sramana cultural system Deo came to the conclusion that each of them stresses a particular aspect, such as, (1) Ksatriya protest, (2) Organised sophistic wanderers, (3) The qualities of the Brahmacarin, (4) Copy of the Brahmanical rules for sanyasa, and (5) The existence of Magadhan religion in the eastern part of India. All these factors, he says, "helped the formation of the great wandering community of the Sramanas. But Deo places greater emphasis on the Ksatriya protest against the Brahmanical sacrifices. He says "The Sramanas did reveal anti-Brahmanical feelings as they were dissatisfied with the degenerated Brahmin priesthood." ¹³

But this conclusion is not altogether correct, since we find very strong evidence, both literary and archeological, which proves, beyond doubt, that the Sramana cultural system as practised by the Jainas or the so-called Vratyas ¹⁴ of Vedic literature, existed prior to Brahmanism. The great antiquity of the Sramana religious system has received less attention from scholars due to the fact that in historical times the Brahmana cult appeared to be more influential and widespread. The emergence of the Sramana cultural system at this time was only a revival of an ancient religious system. This gaining of influence had been made possible through protests against the ritualism of the Brahmanas. That is why some scholars assumed the origin of Sramana cultural system to be a result of the protest against the Brahmanical sacrifices.

Classification of Sramanas

The Sramanas (Samana in Pali) are classified in various ways. The Sutta Nipata refers to four kinds, viz. the Maggajinas, Maggadesakas or Maggadesins, Maggajivinas, and the Maggadusins. ¹⁵ Disputes arose among them ¹⁶ and a number of philosophical schools had already arisen by the time of the Buddha. These schools are generally designated as Ditthi. ¹⁷ The sixty-two wrong views (Micchaditthi) referred to by the Buddha in the Brahmajalasutta represent the teachings of such schools.

In the same work, Sramanas are called disputatious (vadasila), ¹⁸ and are classified under three headings, viz. Titthiyas, Ajivikas, and the Niganthas. These were recognised as rivals of Buddhism. The Tamil tradition also observed the same classification, viz. Anuvadins (Pakudha Keccayana's sect), Ajivikas, and the Jainas. ¹⁹

The Thananga, ²⁰ a Svetambara Jain canonical work, gives as many as five divisions of the Samana class, viz. Nigantha, Sakka, Tavasa, Geruya, and Ajiva. Here Sakka means the Buddhist, and Ajiva means the Ajivika, the followers of Makkhali Gosalaka. No accounts are found regarding the Geruya who wore red clothes and Tavasa who were Jatadhari and lived in forest. ²¹ The Ajivakas are no more. Only the Niganthas and the Buddhists have survived the vicissitudes of history.

Common features of the Sramanas

The Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms defines Sramana as follows: "Ascetics of all kinds: the Samanai or Samanaoi or Germanai of the Greeks, perhaps identical also with the Tungusian Samana or Sramana." Further it presents the common features of Sramana: "He must keep well the truth, guard well every uprising (of desires), be uncontaminated by outward attractions, be merciful to all and impure to none, be not allotted to joy nor harrowed by distress, and able to bear whatever may come."

The Buddha also says that to be Acelaka (naked) is not the only characteristic of a real Samana. According to him the real Sramana is he who has got rid of covetousness, ignorance, and mastered the four Bhavanas, viz. Friendliness, Compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity. ²² At another place he says: "The real Samana is he who has acquired a perfectly purified conduct in speech, thought and mode of living, by controlling the sense organs, moderation in eating, being intent on vigilence, being possessed of mindfulness, and clear consciousness, remote lodging in forests to get rid of doubt, getting rid of the five hindrances and being aloof from pleasures of the senses he enters on the four meditations one by one." ²³

All these references indicate clearly that the Sramana is characterised in Buddhist literature, as an ordinary monk belonging to any sect except perhaps to Brahmanas. Aiya-swami Shastri ²⁴ collected some common features of such religious communities from Tamil literature which are as follows:-

(1) They challenged the authority of the Vedas.
(2) They admitted into their church all members of the community irrespective of their social rank and religious career (Varna and Asrama).
(3) They observed a set of ethical principles.
(4) They practised a detatched life with a view to liberating themselves from worldly life etc.
(5) They could take to a life of renunciation (pravrajya) on reaching majority.

Likewise Deo ²⁵ refers to some of the features of monastic conduct which were common to all these communities. They are as follows:-

(1) The members of such groups gave up worldly life, and severing all contact with the society, they wandered as homeless persons.
(2) Being least dependent on society, they maintained themselves by begging food.
(3) Having no home, they led a wandering life, staying, however, at one place in the rainy season in order to avoid injury to living beings.
(4) Lastly, they seemed to acknowledge no cast barriers, and hence consisted of various elements of the society.

The Samavayanga refers to the ten types of conduct which should be followed by the Samanas. They are as follows: ksanti, mukti, arjava, mardava, laghava, satya, samyama, tapa, tyaga and brahmacariyavasa. At another place, some other types of conduct has been mentioned, viz. Upadhi, sruta, bhaktipana, anjalipragraha, dana, nimantrana, abhyutthana, krtikarma, vaiyavrtya, samavasarana-sammilana, samnisadya, and kathaprabandha.

In the Anguttara Nikaya ²⁸ the Buddha mentions three pursuits for a Bhikku: (1) training in the higher morality, (2) higher thought, and (3) higher insight. He then says that a monk must follow these pursuits with keeness; otherwise his presence in the order will be like that of an ass in a herd of cattle.

Ascetics in Buddhist literature

In Buddhist literature all ascetics or wandering sects are referred to by the name Samana. Sometimes they are also designaed Titthiya, Paribbajaka, Acelaka, Mundasavaka, Tedandika, Magandika, Aviruddhaka, Jatilaka, Gotamaka, Maggadesin, Maggadusin. The sixty-two wrong views (Micchaditthi) of the Brahmajala Sutta ²⁹ and three hundred and sixty-three views of the Sutrakrtanga refer to a great number of such sects. Some of these may be vedic, while others were teachings of moral sects of the Samanas.

The Lalitavistara ³¹ mentions a list of ascetics which includes the Carakas, Paribrajakas, Vrddha-sravakas, Gautamas, and Nirgranthas. A similar list is given in the Saddharmapundarika ³² where it is stated that Bodhisattva does not associate himself with them.

Importance of the Samanas

Of all these numerous communities of ascetics the Sramanas always figure prominently in Jaina and Buddhist literatures. Upadhye says: "All intellectual activities in ancient India were not confined only to Brahmanas: there was not only Brahmanical literature, but there was also the Paribbajaka, Sramana, or ascetic literature. These two representatives of intellectual and spiritual life in ancient India are well recognised by the phrase Samana-Brahmana in Buddhist sacred texts, by reference to Sramana Brahmana in Buddhist inscriptions, and further by Megasthenes distinction between Brahmanai and Samanai". ³³

Samanas in Jaina and Buddhist literature

The Samanas in Jaina and Buddhist literature are represented as "worker" (from Sram, to strive) in spiritual life who attain salvation through their own efforts. They are accorded high honour both within their circles and without. The Mahavagga refers to Samana who is honoured by the bhikkhus. Pali literature mentions usually, besides the buddha, the well-known six Samanas, the so-called heretical teachers of outstanding position in the community.

Sometimes the term Samana is used in Pali literature, as an adjective showing respect towards the designated teacher. The Buddha himself is called Mahasamana, and his followers Sakyaputtiya Samanas. ³⁴ So the followers of the Nigantha Nataputta are designated the Samana Nigantha or, to be exact, the Niganthanama Samanajatika. ³⁵

Samana-Brahmana in Jaina and Buddhist literature

Buddhist literature, specially the Pali Canon, uses a compound designation "Samana-Brahmana" to denote a religious sect that is opposed to the caste superiority of the Brahmana community and its ritualism. Likewise, the Jaina literature also mentions Samana-Mahanah ³⁶ and Mahana-Samana. ³⁷

T. W. Rhys Davids rightly says that Samana connotes both asceticism and inward peace, He is of the view that "Samana-Brahmana should therefore mean, a man of anv birth who by his saintliness, by his renunciation of the world, and by his reputation as a religious thinker, had acquired a position of a quasi-Brahmana and was looked up to by the people with as much respect as they looked up to a Brahmana by birth. ³⁸ Jaina literature also gives the same connotation to this term." ³⁹

Sometimes the term Samana-Brahmana is also used in Pali literature for the followers of the Brahmana community. The Brahmajalasutta and some other suttas refer to them as kecit Samana Brahmana. And in some places it is used for any follower of any sect as mentioned in the course of the sixty-two wrong views (micchaditthi). Thus the term Samana-Brahmana is used, in Buddhist literature, in a very loose sense. ⁴⁰ I, therefore, examined the views attributed to Samana-Brahmana and found that the teachings of Nigantha Nataputta are also represented among them.

The origin of Samana-Brahmana is unknown, but we can trace it from the works of Panini (prior to Buddha) ⁴¹ and Patanjali (second century B. C.) which mention a perpetual enmity (sasvata-virodha) between a snake and mongooses (ahinakulavat) to illustrate the compound formation of Samana-Brahmana. ⁴² The edicts of Asoka also mention them; but the term in Brahmana-Samana, and not Samana-Brahmana. ⁴³

The reason of this variation in Asokan edicts, according to Sukumara Dutta, is that "The legends were composed by those who themeselves belonged to the Samana class and wished to give it precedence, while the Brahmana is put first in the edict because the Brahmanical society was perhaps demographically more extensive in Asoka's empire. The accom@ plishments of this elite, the Samana-Brahmana, are described from the Buddhist point of view in the scripture". ⁴⁴

Another reason for the relative positions of the two component parts of the compounds Samana-Brahmana and Brahmana-Samana may be adduced by reference to the antiquity of the Samana cultural system and the subsequent growth in importance of the Brahmana cultural system. The earlier appellation Samana Brahmana gives precedence to Samanas most probably because Samana cultural system was the more ancient system. The change in precedence in the term Brahmana-Samana might have been due to the waxing influence of the Brahmana religious system which resulted in relegating the Samanas to a less important position in the religious life of India.

The Heretical Teachers

The leaders of Sramanism were referred to in Buddhist literature as "Heretical Teachers". These contemporary teachers "were doubtless, like the Buddha himself, inspired by the wave of dissatisfaction with the system of orthodox Brahmanism." six such teachers are mentioned in the Pali Canon:-

(1) Purana Kassapa.
(2) Makkhali Gosala.
(3) Ajita Kesakambali.
(4) Pakudha Kaccayana.
(5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta
(6) Nigantha Natputta.

In the Samannaphala Sutta each of these teachers is highly commended as a leader of an order (ganino ganacariyo). Each has been described as being well-known (nata), famous (yasassino), the founder of a sect (titthakara), respected as a saint by many people (sadhusammata bahu-janassa), a homeless wanderer of long standing (cirapabbajita), and advanced in years (vayonupatta). ⁴⁶ Barua ⁴⁷ thinks of them as philosophers or theologians in the modern sense. But in the sixth century B. C. there were controversial theories which are said to have been propagated in various ways by the Acaryas who belonged to the Brahmana as well as the Sramana religious system.

The Samannaphala Sutta deals with the doctrines of these heretical teachers in detail. It may be noted here that these doctrines are 'to be treated very cautiously; for it is evident that the authors had but a limited knowledge of the teachings of the heretics, and what knowledge they had warped by "odium theologicum." ⁴⁸

As king Ajatasattu expressed his desires to know some-thing about spiritual matters, his six ministers, the followers of the six heretical teachers one, after another, suggested that the king should meet their Acaryas and clear his doubts. Ajatasattu then paid a visit to them and questioned them thus: "The fruits of various worldly trades and professions are obvious. But is it possible to show that any appreciable benefit can be derived from asceticism (Sanditthikam Samannaphalm) in this very life?" The answers given by them could not satisfy Ajatasattu. It was then suggested to him that he should ask the Buddha to answer the question. Hence, the Buddha is said to have solved his problem in a authoritative way.

Pali Canon refers to the teachings of Purana Kassapa and others in several Suttas. Although all such passages are stereo-typed, they seem to give a fairly comprehensive summary of atleast the impressions which their teachings had made on the Buddhists. While we have no sufficient sources from which their accuracy can be verified, except, of course, in the case of Nigantha Nataputta, we are fortunate that the meagre references in the Pali Canon are the only means by which we know about the existence of two of the six teachers. ⁴⁹

(1) Purana Kassapa

This teacher upheld the view that there is neither merit nor demerit in any sort of action. He says, "He who performs an act or caused an act to be performed.. (karato kho karayato pana atimapayato), he who destroys life, the thief, the house-breaker, the plunderer.. the highway robber, the adulterer and the liar, commits no sin. Even if with a razor-sharp discus a man reduces all life on earth to a single heap of flesh, he commits so sin. If he comes down to the south bank of the Ganges, slaying, maiming, torturing, and causing others to be slain, maimed, or tortured, he commits no sin, neither does sin approach him. Likewise if a man goes down the north bank of the Ganges, giving alms, and sacrificing and causing alms to be given and sacrifices to be performed, he acquires no merit, neither does merit approach him. om liberality, self-control, abstinence, and honesty derived neither merit nor the approach of merit." ⁵⁰

This doctrine is based on Akiriyavada, the theory of non-action, according to which the soul does not act and the body alone acts. According to Barua it is Adhiccasamuppannikavada (i. e. things happen fortuitiously without any cause or condition). ⁵¹ Jain Commentator Silanka considers the doctrine of Purana Kassapa as similar to the one which obtained in the Sankhya system. ⁵² But Nalinaksa Dutt observes that "it would be wide of the mark if we say Kassapa's teaching is the same as that of Sankhya, though it holds that Purusa is only an onlooker, an inactive agent, the functioning factor being the Prakrti". ⁵³ As a matter of fact, Kassapa's teaching is so peculiar that we cannot find any similarity to the six Indian philosphies.

In the Samyutta Nikaya ⁵⁴ and Anguttara Nikaya ⁵⁵ he is mentioned as an Ahetuvadin, which appellation is applied to Makkhali Gosala in the Samannaphala Sutta. He is also reported to have claimed omniscience. ⁵⁶

Buddhaghosa gives some biographical data on Purana Kassapa. He says that Kassapa came to be known by his name from the fact that is birth completed (Purna) one hundred slaves in a certain household. Owing to this fact he was never found fault with, even when he failed to do his work satisfactorily. In spite of this, he was dissatisfied and fled from his master's house. He then had his clothes stolen and went about naked. ⁵⁷

The Dhammapada Commentatory gives another account. It says that when the heretical teachers were unable to prevent the Buddha's miraculous power, then ran away. While fleeing Purana Kassapa came across one of his followers carrying a vessel and a rope. Purana took them and on the of river near Savatthi he tied the vessel round his neck. He threw himself into the river and committed suicide. ⁵⁸

(2) Makkhali Gosala

Originally Makkhali Gosala was a follower of jainism of the Parsvanatha tradition. As he was not appointed a Ganadhara in Nigantha Nataputta's order, he left the Jain Sangha and founded another sect called Ajivikas. ⁵⁹ He too was a naked ascetic.

He was prophet of Niyativada (fatalism), according to which "There is neither cause nor basis for the sins of living beings; they become pure without cause or basis. There is no deed performed either by oneself or by others which can affect one's future births, no human action, no strength, no courage, no human endurance or human prowess can affect one's destiny in this life. All beings, all that have breath, all that are born, all that have life, are without power, strength, or virtue, but are developed by destiny, chance and nature, and experience joy and sorrow in the six levels for existence. Salvation, in his opinion, can be attained only by death and existence which are unalterably fixed (niyata). Suffering and happiness,, therefore, do not depend on any cause or effect."

The Majjhima Nikaya ⁶¹ calls this ahetukaditthi or akiriyaditthi, while the Sutrakrtanga (1.127) Darsanasara ⁶² and Gomattasara Jivakanda63 of Jainas designate it as ajnanavada.

The Buddha considered Makkhali as the most dangerous of the heretical teachers. He says:

"I know not of any other single person fraught with such loss of many folk, such discomfort, such sorrow to devas and men, as Makkhali, the infatuate". ⁶⁴

Buddha also considered his view as the meanest one as would appear from the following comment:

"Just as the hair blanket is reckoned the meanest of all woven garments even so, of all the teachings of recluses, that of Makkhali is the meanest". ⁶⁵

In the Digha Nikaya Commentary, ⁶⁶ Buddhaghosa shows how he was called Makkhali Gosala. He says that he was once employed as a servant. One day while carrying an oil pot along a muddy road, he slipped and fell through carelessness, Hence he is named Makkhali. He was called Gosala because he was born in a cow-shed. Panini ⁶⁷ describes him as Maskarin (one who carries a bamboo staff). Uvasaga Dasao calls him Makkhaliputta. ⁶⁸

(3) Ajita Kesakambali

Ajitakesa Kambali was a meterialist who denied the existence of good or bad deeds. According to him, "There is no merit in almsgiving, sacrifice or offering; no result or ripening of good or evil deeds. There is no passing from this world ⁶⁹ to the next. No benefit accrues from the service of mother or father. There is no afterlife, and there are no ascetics or Brahmanas who have reached perfection on the right path, and who, having known and experienced this world and the world beyond, publish (their knowledge). Man is formed of the four elements; when he dies earth returns to the aggregate of earth, water to water, fire to fire, and air to air, while the senses vanish into space. Four men with the bier take up the corpse; they gossip (about the dead man) as far as the burning ground ⁷⁰ (where) his bones turn the colour of a dove's wing, and his sacrifices end in ashes. They are fools who preach alms-giving, and those who maintain the existence (of immaterial categories) speak vain and nonsense. When the body dies both the fool and the sage alike are cut off from life and perish. They do not survive after death. ⁷¹

Ajita's philosophy can be compared with the philosophy of Carvaka. In the Brahmajala Sutta it is classified as Ucchedavada (the doctrine of anihilation after death) or Tam Jivam tam sariram (the doctrine of identity of the soul and body). In the Mahabodhi Jataka, it is said, that Ajita was born, in a previous birth, as one of the five heretical councillors to the king of Varanasi. Then, too, he preached the doctrine of Ucchedavada. He was called Kesakambali because he wore a blanket of human hair, which is described as being the most miserable garment. It was cold in cold weather, and hot in the hot, foul smelling and uncouth. ⁷²

(4) Pakudha Kaccayana

According to Pakudha Kaccayana, the seven elementary categories are neither made nor ordered, neither caused nor constructed; they are barren, as firm as mountains, as stable as pillars. They neither move nor develop; they do not injure one another, and one has no effect on the joy and sorrow of another. What are the seven? Earth, Water, Fire, Air, joy and Sorrow, with life as the seventh ... No man slays or causes to slay, hears or causes to hear, knows or causes to know. Even if a man cleaves another's head with a sharp sword, he does not take life, for the sword-cut merely passes through the seven elements. ⁷³

In the Brahmjala Sutta this theory is classified as both Akiriyavada and Sassatavada. According to Pakudha, good or bad deeds do not affect the elements which are eternal. Like Ucchedavada, this teaching is also criticised in Buddhist literature.

Buddhaghosa says that Pakudha Kaccayana avoided the use of cold water, using always hot water. When hot water was no available, he did not wash. If he crossed a stream he would consider it as a sin, and would make expiation by constructing a mound of earth. ⁷⁴

(5) Sanjaya Belatthiputta

Sanjaya Belatthiputta was the preacher of Ajnavada or Agnosticism. He says that if "you asked me, "Is there another world?" and if I believed that there was, I should tell you so. But that is not what I say. I do not say that is so; nor do I say that it is not so." ⁷⁵

It is said that the Elders Sariputta and Moggalana were disciples of Sanjaya before they were converted to Buddhism. ⁷⁶ Moggalana and Sanjaya are mentioned as Jaina Munis in Jaina literature. ⁷⁷

The jaina doctrine of Syadvada is said to have been influenced by the teachings of Sanjaya. According to Malalaseker, "It is probable that Sanjaya suspended his judgements only with regard to those questions, the answers to which must always remain a matter of speculation. It my be that he wished to impress on his followers the fact that the final answer to these questions lay beyond the domain of speculation, and that he wished to divert their attention from fruitless inquiry and direct it towards the preservation of mental equanimity". ⁷⁸ But as a matter of fact Sanjays's teachings are based on indeterminable characters, while the Syadvada has a definite answer. That is why the Jaina philosophers criticised Sanjaya's theory. ⁷⁹ We can, however, say that whether Sanjaya was a Jaina muni or not, his teachings seem to be influenced to some extent by the Jaina doctrines. The sutrakratanga does not mention his name in this context. Sanjaya's view is criticised in Pali literature as an Amaravikkhepavad a theory of eel-wrigglers). ⁸⁰

(6) Nigantha Nataputta:

In the Samannaphala Sutta, Nigantha Nata-Putta is introduced as the teacher of Catuyamasamvara. "A Nigantha is surrounded by the barrier of four-fold restraint. How is he surrounded? ... He practises restraint with regard to water, he avoids all sin, by avoiding sin his sins are washed away, and he is filled with the sense of all sins are washed away, and he is filled with the sense of all sins avoided ⁸¹ ... So surrounded by the barrier of fourfold restraint his mind is perfected, controlled, and firm. ⁸²

As pointed out by Jacobi this reference to the teaching of Nataputta is very obscure. ⁸³ Catuyamasamvara as mentioned in the Samannaphala Sutta ⁸⁴ consists of the four characteristics of the Jainas. The real Catuyamasamvara belonging to the Parsvanatha tradition, is found else-where in the Pali Canon itself.

In response to the Buddha's question Asibandhakaputta Gamani said that the Nigantha Nataputta preached thus to his followers or Savakas: a slayer of living creature (panam atipateti), a stealer of a thing (not given to him) (adinnam adiyati), a subject of sensual passion wrongly (kamesu miccha carati), and one who tells a lie (musa bhanati) are all condemned. ⁸⁵

Here are mentioned the four causes of sin. In the Anguttara aa the five ways of falling into sin, according to Nigantha Nataputta, are outlined. They are: destruction of animates (panatipati hoti staking what is not given (adinnadayi hoti), passionate enjoyment of evil (abrahmacari hoti), speaking a lie (musavadi hoti), and living on liquor and drink (suramerayamajjappamadatthayi hoti). ⁸⁶

Both these references are neither correctly recorded nor in order. The Nikayas appear to have confused between the Vratas of Parsvanatha and Mahavira. The Parigraha (attachment to the mundane affairs), a fourth cause of sins according to the Parsvanatha tradition, included the passionate enjoyment, was not mentioned in the Nikayas, while the Abrahmacarya, separated from Parigraha by Nigantha Nataputta, is mentioned there.

Non-violence is the fundamental principle of the Jainas which is recorded in the Pali Canon. The Niganthas do not use cold water as living being exist therein. ⁸⁷ They take a vow not to go beyond a limited area, so that the possibility of destroying life while moving about is reduced to a minimum. ⁸⁸ The Kayadanda (Physical deeds) is more blamable than Manodanda (mental deeds) in their oppinion. ⁸⁹ Intention (bhava or manodanda) is the main source of violence, and if the injury is caused by the body intentionally (bhavena), it will be considered more blamble. Meat-eating is completely prohibited in jainism. It is said that while Siha Senapati served meat to Buddha and his followers, the Nlganthas had protested and criticised such activities. ⁹⁰

Nakedness or nudity (acelakatva or Digambaratva) with a mind controlled and restrained from all sorts of attachment and the practice of severe austerities with right knowledge are the main sources of omniscience and salvation. ⁹¹ Pali literature too records the Jaina claim to the omniscience of Nigantha nataputta. ⁹² The Pali Canon is also familiar with the rudiments of Syadvada and Navatattvas. Buddhist philosophical literature which developed later establishes and refutes the more advanced Jaina doctrines about epistemology and logic.

The foregoing is a brief description of the leaders of Sramanism as recorded in Pali literature. From this somewhat scanty data it is clear that their teachings can be grouped under two main headings:-

(1) Ajivikism as taught by Purana Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, and Pakudha Kaccayana
(2) Jainism as taught by Parsvanatha and Nigantha Nataputta.

The doctrine of Sanjaya Belatthiputta does not fall into either of the above categories. But as Nalinaksa Dutt has shown, Sanjaya's teachings are "only a stepping stone to that of Buddha." ⁹³ We shall now take into consideration the interrelationship among the three prominent religious systems" Jainism, Ajivikism, and Buddhism.

Jainism and Ajivikism:

Makkhali Gosala, the founder of the Ajivika sect, was a follower of Jainism, before he founded his separate school. ⁹⁴ It is, therefore, not unnatural for his teachings to be influenced by Jainism. Ajivikas and Jainas share a set of common monastic rules. Both were normally naked and both followed the same method of eating. ⁹⁵ That is the reason why the Pali literature could not make a clear distinction between the Niganthas and the Ajivikas. The Sutta Nipata ⁹⁶ distinguishes the Ajivikas from other sects, whereas the Majjhima Nikaya ⁹⁷ includes all the heretical teachers in the general category of Ajivikas.

Buddhaghosa in his Dhammapada Commentary ⁹⁸ describes an ascetic who knocks at the doors of all the sects including the Ajivikas and the Niganthas. But the same work refers indiscriminately to Nagga-samana, Ajivika and Acelaka. ⁹⁹ Similarly the Divyavadana, ¹⁰⁰ in the story of Asoka, seems to use the term Ajivika and Nigantha (Nirgrantha) synonymously.

Chinese and Japanese Buddhist literature classes the Ashibikas, (i. e. Ajivikas) with the Nikendabaras or Nirgranthas as practising severe penance. "They both hold that the penalty for sinful life must sooner or later be paid so that the life to come may be free for enjoyment. Thus their practices were ascetic. Fasting, silence, immovability and burning themselves upto the neck were their expressions of penance. ¹⁰¹

Hoernle identifies the Ashibikas with the Digambara Jainas. In support of his theory, he refers to Halayudha ¹⁰² which "enumerates a large number of names of the two divisions, the Svetambaras and Digambaras ... The latter are also known as the Ajiva, which is only a shorter form of Ajivika. It is evident now, from what has been said, that the terms Niggantha and Ajivika denote the two Jaina orders which are known to us as Svetambaras and Digambaras." ¹⁰³

Hoernle's further suggestion is that the term Nirgrantha implied only a Svetambara Jaina. This conclusion is not supported by any evidence. The verse quoted by Hoernle does not contain exactly synonymous words. It mentions the names of various schools. Basham remarks in this connection that the evidence of both Halayudha and Yadava, including the Nirgrantha in the same category as the Nagnata, should be adequate to disprove the theory. The term was obviously used for a Jaina of any type. ¹⁰⁴

"Nigantha" or "Nirgrantha" was always used with reference to Digambaras in the earlier works. Its application to Svetambaras was a later development subsequent to their breaking away from the original school of Jainism in the early centuries B. C.

Silanka, the commentator of the Sutrakrtanga, says: "They are the Ajivikas who follow the doctrine of Gosala, or Botikas (i. e. Digambara."). ¹⁰⁵ On the basis of this reference Hoernle righty concluded that the later Ajivikas merged with the Digambara Jainas. He says "Silanka states that the reference is to the Ajivikas or Digambaras. Seeing that, in his comment on another passage of the same work, he identifies the Ajivikas with the Terasiyas (Sanskrit Trairasikas). It follows that in silanka's view the followers of Gosala, the Ajivikas, the Terasikas, and the Digambaras were the same class of religious mendicants." ¹⁰⁶

Basham, too, appears to support this view when he says that the Ajivika survived in Madras, Mysore and Andhra until the 14th century A. D., and that the original atheism of Makkhali Gosala merged with that of the Digambara Jainas. ¹⁰⁷

But as a matter of fact Silanka could not make a clear statement that Ajivikas and Digambaras were the same. It seems that on the basis of nakedness, Halayudha Silanka etc. referred to the words which have the same meaning. ¹⁰⁸

Jainism and Buddhism

As both Jainism and Buddhism were taught within the same geographical area during the same historical period, a high degree of mutual ideological influence was inevitable. The wandering of the Buddha for six years in search of enlightenment also would have brought him into contact with Jainistic dogmas.

Some ideas are found to be common to both Jainism and Buddhism. Buddhism is based on the Four Noble Truths (Cattari ariyasaccani), viz. the Truth of suffering (Dukkhasacca), the Truth of the Arising of Suffering (Dukkha-samudayasacca), and the Truth of the Path leading to the Annihilation of Suffering (Dukkha-nirodhagamani-patipada-ariyasacca). Jainism, too, teaches substantially the same doctrines. During the twelve meditations (Dvadasanupreksa) a Nigantha thinks of the nature of the world and soul. In this way he tries to abstain from attachment to anything so that he could attain the state of Vitaragatva (freedom from all desires). Avidya (ignorance), as in Buddhism, is the root cause of Karmic bondage, and release is possible through Right Vision (Samyagdarsana), Right Knowledge (Samyagjnana), and Right Conduct (Samyagcaritra). ¹⁰⁹

Buddhism extols the four meditations (Bhavana), viz. Metta (Friendship) Karuna (Compassion), Mudita (delight), and Upekkha (Indifference). ¹¹⁰ The Jain Scripture declares that these should be meditated upon by everybody (Maitripramodakarunyamadhyasthani ca satvagunadhikaklisyamanavinayesu). They are realizable through concentration (yogakkhamani nibbanam ajjhagamam), and are free from ageing (ajaram) Salvation can be attained with the cessation of the chain of causation. Nibbana, in Jainism, is a condition of the pure soul, free from all bondage of karmas, peaceful, enlightened and eternal. ¹¹¹ Both religions believe that every being experiences fruits of his good and bad deeds in the present or future life and rebirth continues till the attainment of salvation.

Non-violence (Ahimsa) is also a common feature of both Jainism and Buddhism. Buddhism, like Jainism, stipulates that its adherents should abstain from all forms of violence (Himsa). But Jainism appears more strict in this respect. The eating of flesh, which is not altogether forbidden in Buddhism, is completely forbidden in Jainism. In other words, non-violence is the foundation of Jain religion and philosophy. Syadvada and Nayavada, the spirit of reconciliation, is an integral part of its theme.

Both Jainism and Buddhism hold that the Universe came into being without the intervention of the creator-God. Worshiping of the images of their sages is a common feature in both religions.

As regards the dissimalirities between them, they are so fundamental that any positive influence of Jainism on Buddhism or vi ce versa in difficult to establish. Buddhism does not believe in soul, whereas Jainism regards it as an essential part of human personality and its purity is essential for the attainment of salvation. According to Buddhism, a thing which comes into being perishes in the next moment. All the psychical factors like feeling, cognition, names and concepts are discrete and momentary. The first moment is regarded as the material cause (upadana) and the second the effect (upadeya). The combined stream of Upadna and Upadeyna give rise to the false notion of a permanent self.

On the other hand, Jainism, in spite of admitting the obvious psycho-physical changes, adheres to the belief that both jiva (soul) and ajiva (matter) are eternal. It maintains that only the modes (paryayas) of a substance are subject to change while the substance with its essential quality (guna) is unchanging and abiding. The Buddhist theory of flux has been, therefore, criticised bitterly by the Jain philosophers.

These two religions resort to a common terminology. For instance, the word nigantha is used for Jainism in both scriptures. Buddhism also regards "sabbaganthappahina" ¹¹² as the nature of Nibbana, Pudgala is used only in these two religions but with different meanings. In Jainism it means as inanimate thing, while Buddhism gives it the sense of Atma or Jiva. Likewise, Arhat, Buddha, Asava, samvara, Sammaditthi (samyagdrasti or Samyagjnana) Micchaditthi. Tisarana, Naraka, etc. are common to both the religious systems.

According to the Pali Canon, the Buddha himself had a more favourable impression of Nigantha Nataputta and Jainism than of any other contemporary teacher or teaching, ¹¹³ though he condemned the Niganthas at a number of places, ¹¹⁴ Apart from the fact that they arose from the same social milieu, the emphasis they both laid on ethical principles and on the empirical testing of truth seems to have made them mutually respectful to each other.

Conclusion:

The foregoing discussion has brought us to the conclusion that the Sramana cultural system led by the Jainas existed perhaps prior to Brahmana cult and that most of the leaders of different sects of that time were influenced by the Jaina dogmas. Jocobi came to the following conclusion on the interrelationship of these religious teachers:

The preceding four Tirth nkaras (Makkhali Gosala, Purana Kassapa and others) appear to have adopted some or other doctrines or practices of the Jaina system, probably from the Jainas themselves...Here it appears that Jaina ideas and practices must have been current at the time of Mahavira and independently of him. This combined with other arguments, leads us to the opinion that the Nirgranthas (Jainas) were really in existence long before Mahavira, who was the reformer of the already existing sect." ¹¹⁵