The Structure of Jain Community

Mrs. N. R. Guseva

As is already indicated, the entire Jain community is divided into two sects-Digambaras and Shvetambaras.

Digambaras in their turn are divided into five subsects-bisapanthi, terapanthi, taranapanthi (or samayapanthi), gumanapanthi and totapanthi.

The difference between them consists mainly in observance or non-observance of one or the other fine point of ritual (thus, bisapanthi present flowers, fruits and sweetmeats to the images of Tirthankars and Terapanthi present only rice), but the first two subsects do not visit the temples of other subsects.

Shvetambaras have three subsects: pujera (or murtipujaka or deravasi or mandirmargi), dhundia (or bistola or sthanakvasi or sadhumargi) and terapanthi.

Pujeras dress up and richly adorn Tirthankars in their temples, their ascetics bind their mouths with white cloth but they can wear yellow dress. The dhundias have not got images of Tirthankars at all, and their ascetics wear only white. Terapanthi is rather a big subsect and strictly observes ascetism. They also do not worship the images of Tirthankars.
The spiritual life of all these subsects is led by the heads-Acharyas. Still petty groups, headed by their mentors-Acharyas-exist in the subsects. These groups are called sanghas and still smaller subgroups-gana, gachcha and sakha-exist in those sanghas. Contradictions and disputes constantly arise amongst them about various questions of ritual. Many groups have their own temples and separate schools for religious education of the young. These schools are called gurukulas or patha shalas.

Every group has its own ascetics. The interesting feature of the internal structure of these groups is the system of mutual control between laymen and ascetics. For breach of rules of conduct or prohibitions, not only the laymen but also the ascetics can be expelled from the community and this practically takes place sometimes in our days too. Even Shripujya (head of ascetics of a given group) can be expelled by its members.

Some such sanghas also arose which strove to even out contradictions inside the community and they elevated this to the level of their programme of religious teaching. Thus, the sangh, known as the yapya, existing in Andhra accepts, as the Shvetambaras do, the truth of canonic books and the possibility of salvation of women also, but like the Digambaras, it upholds the customary ritualistic nudity of body and all the rules prescribed for the ascetics.

As has been already mentioned, division into castes penetrated in the Jain community and the custom of inheriting the profession in each caste (mainly by the north Indian Jains) got partially established. Here it is quite in place to remember the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, which briefly and aptly characterise this process. It is exceedingly interesting and significant that during the stretch of a protracted segment of Indian history, the great people more than once warned against priest-hood and the rigid caste system, and strong movements took place against them. Nevertheless, as though it was predestined, castes slowly developed and almost imperceptibly spread and caught in their pernicious clutches all the spheres of Indian life . The rebels, rising against the old religion and which was in many respects highly distinctive from it, reconciled with the caste system as a result of which, it continues to exist in India almost as a branch of Hinduism.

As distinct from Hinduism, there are no rigid caste prohibitions or prescriptions in Jainism. No caste enjoys privileged position, even though a stratum of Brahmins proper has formed amongst Jains. Judging from the traditions which have come down from word of mouth and the works of Jain literature, a numberless subsects and castes arose mainly in the medieval period, commencing from the 2nd half of the 1st millennium. It is apparent that the historical process of settlement of the Jains in India, conversion of individual groups of population and also the process of adoption of the caste system by the Jain community was reflected in the rise of such petty subgroups in that community.

This idea is confirmed by the fact that the Jain tradition preserves the names of tens of preachers, who supposedly formed those groups and moreover, interpreted canon in various ways and prescribed different religious practices to their groups.

But the makers of the religious canons of Jainism, in no way expressed their own attitudes to castes and did not introudce any prohibitions or prescriptions in this connection.

Some of the castes of Jains are extremely small in number. Thus amongst the Shvetambaras, almost no caste (excluding the five strong castes) has more than 500 members. Amongst both the sects, there are some castes which consist of 10-12 persons each.

Notwithstanding the fact that not all the caste institutions were adopted by the Jains, the ideas about higher and lower position of this or that caste exists all the same. Thus many castes of the Jains are divided into two groups-visa and dasa. Scholars are unable to explain the origin of these groups, but it is certain that these groups are endogamous and that the position of the latter group is lower than that of the former. The members of the latter group are not even allowed to enter the temples in some places, even though untouchability practically does not exist amongst Jains.

Marriages of widows are allowed amongst the castes of visa group, while amongst the castes of dasa group, such marriages are prohibited. It is possible to assume that the dasa caste goes back genetically to those ancient groups of Jains which had their origin in the non-Aryan people, while visas have their origin in groups of Jain-Aryans, which were formed much later.

It is characteristic that marriages of members of visa castes with those of the dasa castes are prohibited, while marriages between the members of visa castes of Digambaras and Shvetambaras and equally between those of the dasa castes of both the sects are not censured.

In several castes of Western India, in which a part of members profess Jainism and another part, Hinduism, Jains as a rule belong to the visa group and Vishnuites belong to the dasa group. It is obvious that here members of higher castes were converted into Jainism in those times, when the rulers patronised this religion (as it happened, for example, in Rajasthan and Gujarat).

Marriages between such Jains and Vishnuites are allowed.

Jain castes, like the Hindu castes, are divided in exogamus group-gotras. Gotras are traced to kin groups and exogamy is observed rigidly to the present day.

Osaval (or osvala), shrimali, poravada (partially Digambaras) of the Shvetambaras castes and agarvala, khandelvala, paravara. Khumbada (partially Shvetambaras) of the Digambara castes are the most numerous ones in northern and western India. In south India, where practically all the local Jains belong to Digambara sect, such fractional division into castes does not exist amongst them. Here there are four big castes-saitavala (this caste is not in Mysore), chaturtha, panchama and bogara or kasara and three small castes-upadhyaya, kamboja and harada.
The Digambaras of the south do not marry and do not practically keep any connection with members of Jaina community living in all the other regions of India. Apparently ancient and deep differences divide this group from other Jains.

An interesting feature of the life of south Indian Jaina community is that here the priests are the high caste Hindus, tracing themselves to ancient Aryans, support patrilineal system of inheritance and while giving daughters in marriage give dowry, but the rest of the Jains have no such institutions. As distinct from priests, the rest of the Jains (so-called laymen) support most ancient customs, which are preserved even to this day by the Dravidian peoples (as by the hill and jungle tribes). Sister's son and not his own children inherit by right the property of the deceased.
Along with these survivals of matriarchal relations, Jains preserve the custom of payment of 'dahej' (bride-price) in monetary form and also in the form of presents and transfer of part of property to the father of the bride in conformity with the marriage contract.

Amongst the priests in the south, marriages of widows are prohibited and amongst the rest of the Jains, they are allowed (with the exception of regions towards the south of the city of Madras).

Marriages between priests and laymen are prohibited.

Each of the four big castes in the south is led by its own spiritual leader (bhattaraka) who, occupying intermediary position between ascetics and laymen, can individually resolve disputes between the members of the caste and expel from it whomsoever he considers it necessary.
The institutions of bhattarakas arose in medival ages amongst the Digambaras of north India and spread our from there wider and wider and flourished in southern regions.

In the course of several centuries, leadership of everyday life of the members of the community and control over their conduct and performance of religious obligations was concentrated in the hands of the bhattarakas. Specially trained students directly helped them.

But in course of time bhattarakas started to claim divine power, and came in conflict with one another, dragging in this enmity the groups, led by them and gradually exhausted their authority. Manifestations of dissatisfaction with the power of bhattaraka began. Thus the subsect of Digambaras viz. terapanthi appeared in the beginning of the eighteenth century in the form of a group, expressing its protest against this dominance.

Side by side with the temple-priests there is a chief village priest-gramopadhyaya in each Jain village. He as well as all the other priests-non-ascetics-can marry. But the head priest of the district-dharmadhikari-is an ascetic and all the priests of this district are subordinate to him.

All the priests and heads of the castes must see whether the members of the community follow the correct mode of life and observe the correct conduct. Great attention is paid to correct conduct, since it must ensure perfection of the soul on its path to salvation. The conduct of ascetics must be perfect-'sakala' and such perfection is not demanded of a layman (the mode of their conduct is called vikala).

Every Jain believes that his life consists of various stages of existence of his bodily envelopes and he must rationally satisfy the requirements of his body in conformity with each stage.

Entering into marriage is fully obligatory for all except ascetics. Marriages of Jains take place according to the selection by the parents, as is common with the members of other religious communities in India.
It was prescribed in ancient times, in conformity with the Jain philosophy, to give the daughter in marriage, soon after attaining puberty, since unproductivity is tantamount to murder and this stands in contrast with the doctrine on non-violence. That is why, child marriage was widespread in the community. Such marriages were stopped comparatively recently, after the Sarda Act in India about instituting criminal proceedings against person guilty of child marriage adopted in 1931 by the British administration was brought strictly in operation.
Special religious ceremonies are performed in connection with various incidents in life. Marriage is the most serious and important step in the life of a Jain and is accompanied by many rites. As distinct from Hindus, Jains do not consider marriage a god-pleasing act but a feature of service to society, since people who do not marry are subjected to all sorts of temptations. They remain childless, which undermines the principles of society's life.

As distinct from Hindus, Jains do not consider that it is preferable to have only sons who are supposed to perform funeral ceremonies, since they do not prescribe sacrificial offerings to the spirits of the ancestors and do not regard the cult of the ancestors as a path towards liberation of the soul.
The Jain canonical books do not support the prescriptions regarding marriage rites. That is why these rites widely depend on local customs.
If Hindu acknowledge eight forms of marriage, described in the 'Laws of Manu' (brahma, daiva, arsha, prajapatya, asura, gandharva, rakshasa and paishacha), the Jains regard only the first four forms as acceptable, because these marriages take place with the consent of the parents of the bridegroom and the bride. The Jains consider remaining four forms of marriage sinful, since the gandharva form of marriage takes place only with mutual consent of the young and the remaining three forms are connected with 'dahej' (bride-price) or with her forceful abduction (rakshasa). However, in ancient times, rakshasa form of marriage was widespread amongst Jains, from which once more one can venture to reflect upon the initial connection of this religion with non-Aryan peoples.
Most often marriages of brahma and prajapatya forms mean handing over of the bride to the bridegroom by her father in the presence of witnesses.

In the south of India, cross-cousin marriage is preferred and the very best form of it is the marriage with the daughter of mothers's brother, while in the north cross-cousin marriages are not recommended and not practised.

Until recently the form of marriage, in which there is exchange of sister was widely prevalent, but with the spread of western education it is almost forgotten, as it is at variance with the interests of girls.
Amongst almost all the families dowry is given for the daughter but among the lower castes of Jains, the asura form-a marriage with 'dahej' (bride-price-this form is often met with also among lower casts of Hindus) is practised.

All marriage negotiations must be confirmed by the panchayat of the caste.

In general outlines the marriage rites of all the Jains are similar.
Usually a month before the marriage, bethrothal takes place. On that day the father of the bride presents gifts to the father of the bridegroom in the presence of witnesses. Soon after this, the father of the bridegroom gives ornaments as gifts to the bride. On the marriage day both the fathers ask all those present whether they agree with the proposed marital union. Then the father of the bride joins the young couple's hands, asking them to observe all the precepts of the faith. As with Hindus, the marriage rite ends with the couple passing seven times round the holy fire and during this time, the couple takes on oath to lead a highly moral life and to be friendly. After completing the last of the seven circles, the marriage is considered to have been performed. This ceremony also indicates that the marriage is indissoluble. Marriage ceremony takes place everywhere in the home of the bride.

Polygamy is not rejected in Jainism but is very rarely found at present. While judging from references to this custom in Jain texts, it can be said that earlier it was much widespread. Usually the reason for bringing a second wife in the house is childlessness of the first wife or lack of vitality of her children. But her consent for her husband's second marriage while she is living is necessary. There are practically no divorces, though the usual right allows divorce, provided either of the couple detects secret defect of the other. Only in the saitavala and bogara castes in the south, divorces can be effected more or less freely.

As a whole, the position of women in the Jain community is never humiliating and although the rules regarding their entry into the nuns' order are stricter than those for men, it is considered all the same that women can even become Tirthankars and preachers of the faith (Digambaras consider that the 19th Tirthankar Malli was a woman).
In the sphere of education, chances for both boys and girls are almost equal, although girls are brought up more as housewives and would-be mothers than as specialists in some sphere of social activity.

It is worth emphasising that widows have the right to inherit husband's property-a fact testifying to the preservation by the Jains of the survivals of the high social position of women. According to Jain law, a widow has a right to inheritance, even though sons are born in marriage (there is no such right in Hinduism) and even the division of children's portions depends on the desire of the widow.

Jain religion prescribes performance of various ceremonies in the course of family life, directed to ensure satisfactory conception, normal development of foetus and satisfactory birth. Not earlier than twelve days after its birth, the child is named and special ceremonies are performed on this occasion. Special rites are also performed on the day on which the child starts to sit, on the day when it is given solid food for the first time, on the first birthday and on the day of commencing learning (at the age of 5). At the age of 8, children pass through the ceremony of dedication in the temple (this rite does not exist in Gujarat) and holy threads are placed through the shoulders of the children. This is also done amongst higher Hindu castes. The completion of learning at the age of 14 to 16 is also observed by special rite. After this, they are ready for marriage.

After having married, every Jain is obliged to think of good earnings, so as to support his family, to support the community, to help monks and to engage in philanthropy. This is considered as one of the reasons for engaging themselves in trade and enterprises.

After fulfilling all the obligations of family life, the head of the family passes through the rite of dedication to asceticism and after leaving home, can lead the mode of life of an ascetic, performing various rites and ceremonies prescribed in the holy book Adi Purana (ninth century A.D.).

For the Digambaras, fulfilment of 53 rites, or passing through 53 stages are prescribed. Death and access to heaven and descent on the earth, are considered such stages, which will enable a Jain to be born as a would-be Tirthankar and to gradually turn into arhata and secure full liberation-Moksha. Shvetambaras, in conformity with the holy book Achharadinakara (beginning of sixteenth century) must pass only 16 such stages, the last amongst which is death.

Digambaras and Shvetambaras burn the bodies of the dead, bathing and then wrapping them in new clothes before burning. The ashes are prescribed to be thrown in water, as in the case with Hindus. The nearest relatives of the dead are considered 'impure' for ten days.

There are no funeral ceremonies amongst the Jains of the north and the south but in Karnatak those ceremonies are performed one month in a year. In general, the Jain law prescribes mourning the death of an ascetic for not more than a minute, of Kshatriya not more than five days, of Brahmin not more than 10 days, of Vaishya not more than 12 days, and of Shudra not more than 15 days.

All these rites are performed in different regions of India with different degree of relativity, since for the most part, these rites were introduced in Jain practice in medieval period and were borrowed mainly from Hinduism.

Jains are liable to expulsion from the community for committing murder, adultery, falsehood, stealing and for amorous affairs with non-Jains.
Jain ascetics must lead the life of a wanderer, not living in one place for more than a month (only in the rainy season they can live in one place up to four months). They must move about only on foot and only during daylight. In the dark period of the day and night they must not walk and must not eat also, because being unable to see, they may crush or swallow some insect .

Amongst Digambaras, ascetics are divided in three classes, anuvrata, mahavrata and nirvana. To be an anuvrata, it is necessary to leave the family, to clean-shave the head, to give up holy thread and live at the temple. An anuvrata must dress himself in clothes of saffron colour and must always carry with him earthen vessel for alms. While moving about, he must sweep the road before him with a bunch of peacock feathers (so as not to crush some insects).

The mahavrata ascetics may wear only loin-cloth. The hair on his head are pulled out from their roots by his pupils. He must eat rice only once in a day on his palm.

The nirvana ascetic must be always nude, eat rice, placed in his palm by somebody and must not move after sunset. His hair is also pulled out from the roots by his pupils (for this custom, even the Buddhists ridiculed Jains, saying that they thus violate their own concept of not subjecting living beings to evil and pain).

Shvetambara ascetics differ in that they wear white dress, bind their mouths with white stripes (according to one explanation, so as not to swallow some insect, according to the others, so as not to profane air with their breath) and carry in their hands whisks on sticks to sweep the road. Monks and nuns must have their hair pulled out.

They must feed themselves on alms. Moreover, they must not ask for alms and wait until given voluntarily (they called this means of collection of alms , 'madhukari'). By this term they mean, they treat themselves like bees, which take very little honey without depriving the flowers of it, and yet finally gather enough quantity for themselves.

Members of Shudra caste cannot be ascetics.

Jainism does not prescribe ceremonial purification from sins, as is done in Hinduism. That is why Jains must avoid sin in the strictest manner. In as much as causing harm to living beings is regarded as the greatest sin, Jains are prescribed strict observance of extreme caution in all their work, especially household work, such as chopping wood, sweeping floor, cleaning vegetables, cleaning hearths etc.

Not only ascetics but many laymen also filter water through cloth, so as not to swallow even the minutest living beings, which may turn out in it and they do not move about with the coming of darkness.

See also:

The Structure of Jain Community (Article by Mahavir Sanglikar, discussing different facts of Jain community)

Singular pre-Portuguese monument crumbling from neglect

Barely three kms from Farmagudi hillock on the way to Ponda, a diversion to the right takes one past the Nagueshi temple to the Jain basti at Bandora. Though overshadowed by the construction of a few neat looking villas, disrespectfully close to the protected monument, the grandeur of the crumbling vestiges of the pre-Portuguese era do stand out.

Existence of ruins of bastis, especially in Kudnem, Bandora and Naroa serve as testimonials to the influence of Jainism in Goa during the early period. All great dynasties such as Chalukyas and Kadambas, patronised Jainism. It also prospered in Goa which came under the sway of these dynasties. Neglect and ravages of natural elements have taken a toll on this monument extended protection by state archives and archaeology department.

After the department cleared the debris and vegetation at the site in 1993, its officials found a mutilated image of Lord Ganesh, a torso of Thirthankara and an "amalaka " (carved slab of the ceiling). But this was not followed by any effort at conserving the monument, which has irked heritage lovers.

They are concerned about the lack of conservation effort to stem the rot and its silence in opposing the construction activity, barely five metres from the Jain basti.

"The department only clears the vegetation, but no conservation work has been done," said Prajal Sakardande, executive member of Goa Heritage Act I o n Group.

After the department took over maintenance of the site, it has not initiated measures to stop its disintegration. "The only worry is that if steps are not taken immediately, it might come down totally. Whatever remains should be conserved," Sakardande added.

"I will look into the matter," was all M L Dicholkar, Archives director said. The bungalows at the site had been constructed a couple of years back.

In addition to the ruins at these three sites, evidence in museums, especially at the museum of the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) Old Goa helps in piecing together a history of the period. A Kannada inscription dated 1425 AD at Old Goa, refers to the Jain Basti of Bandiwade (Bandora ), and throws some light on the origin of the village. Bandora was established by King Sripala Virugappa, son of Mangananda, who built the temple of Neminath.

"The Jain basti was constructed in 1425 during the Vijayanagara period and repaired 27 years later in 1452," Manguesh Deshpande, assistant superintending archaeologist said.

Jain bastis catered to various needs, including religious, of Jain monks (shravaks) and disciples (shramans). "There were study halls for shramans and lodging for wandering monks to stay in," Deshpande said.The basti appears to have had a rectangular plan (12 metres by 10 metres), while laterite with lime and mortar was used as a durable and reliable binding material. Behind the crumbling structure, three vaulted roof shrines without images could be seen. Leading to them were huge arches. "The front hall had also three arches and they rested on four massive pillars measuring 1.25 metres by 1.25 metres," Deshpande said.

The present Jain basti may have been a smaller structure during the Kadamba rule and may have been extended during the Vijayanagara regime. Evidence of this is the 12-tiered "shikhara" on the western side of the edifice, which is typical of Kadamba architecture. Windows with stone grills etched with diamond motifs and ceiling slaba depicting floral design were found at the site. "The statue of Neminath, a thirthankara was kept inside the basti," Manguesh said.

The inscription at Old Goa also talks about the grant of two villages, Vagurbem and Akshaya (Agassaim) to the Jain Basti of Neminath at Bandora during the rule of Tryambaka, son of Lakkappa on behalf of Devaraya II. Interestingly, a sculpture of one of the thirthankaras, Jain prophet, was found at Cortalim , across the river from Agassaim and is displayed at state archives and archaeology museum at Panaji.

Jaina Art and Architecture in Karnataka

Dr.K.V. Ramesh

I
Those of you who, on hearing the title of my paper, expect me to give a list of the Jaina monuments of Karnataka with their locations, dates and descriptions will be surely disappointed after listening to me. As a matter of fact, what I have chosen to do, of my own choice, is to try to trace the origins of Jaina architecture in Karnataka and them to shift the burden of my paper to my own conclusion on what the Jaina monuments of Karnataka, alreay well written upon, have and have not achieved. In doing this I have not spared my own conscience, nor have I spared the inevitable historical manifestations of Jainism; but, all in good faith. The motivation behind this paper is my firm belief that what our troubled land needs today is Mahavira's pristine teachings shorn of spiritual and material accretions thrust upon them by almighty time as the author of history. Though the ink on this paper is still wet, the thoughts which have gone into its contents nave lingered on in my mind for years at a stretch. I had all along been searching for a forum in which to voice them. I hope I have at last found one this morning though your expectations and my protestations may not be the same.

II
In his 'editorial observations' which appears as the prologue for the monumental three volume publication on 'Jaina Art and Architecture' published by the Bharatiya Jnanapith (New Delhi: 1974), the learned editor Shri A. Ghosh observes: "It is difficult' to conceive of any Jaina artistic or architectonic creation that does not pertain to, and can be isolated from, the mainstream of Indian art and architecture. No doubt, the special religious and mythological concepts of Jainism produced sculptural forms not found in the creations of other denominations, but even these conformed to the style of the region and period to which they belonged. Thus, while representation of the Samauasarana, Nandisuara-dirpa, Ashtrapada, etc., typical of Jaina mythology, are peculiarly Jaina, in the style of execution even they followed the contemporary style of the region in which they were produced."

Further on, continuing in the same vein, he says "There is no religion-wise difference in the sculptural embellishments of the religious edifices. The same richness of life is apparent in the sculpture of all religions, except where it is strictly religious in character. Call them Yaksis, attendants, nayikas, apsarasas, sura­sundaris or alasa-kanyas, they appear everywhere, singly or in mithunas, and nothing in the austere tenets and practices of any religion could prevent their appearance in places of worship. There is no gainsaying the fact that the above observations should be constantly kept in mind by anyone trying to make an objective assessment of the achievements of the patrons of Jainism in the fields of art and architecture.

Now, to get to the subject of my paper, which is Jaina art and architecture in Karnataka, if we are to believe epigraphical information of the 7th century A.D., and there is no reason why we should not, the history of Jainism in Karnataka goes back eto the pre-Asokan Mauryan period with the migration, from the north, of Bhadrabahusvamin and a large number of his disciples and their settlement in the hilly tracts of Sravanabelgola. But in Sravanabelgola itself no architectural activity seems to have been initiated prior to the nineth century A.D.

This is in stark contrast with what happened just a little latern in the extreme south of the peninsula, in the Pandyan region to be more precise. It is generally accepted, on strong circumstantial evidences that part of the migrant Jaina clergy and laity proceeded further south and settled themselves in the hilly tracts of the Pandyan country where we find in the rock-beds and some of the natural or slightly worked out caverons Jaina inscriptions in Tamil a few of which were, according to me, not merely of the Mauryan but of the pre-Asokan decades.
We do not find such epigraphical and rock-cut confirmation of Jaina activities in the Mauryan period at Sravanabelgola which was many times better suited for such activities.

I can think of at least two possible explanations of this striking contrast:
1. In that early phase of extreme Jaina austerity, simplicity and self-abregation, which was still the case when Jainism reached Kamataka, no beds were cut out on the rocks and no caverns worked upon lest such acts should detract from quiet essential Jaina tenets;

2. Even the simple enough act to commemoratively engraving the names of the hundreds of Jaina asceties who attained samadhi by lying down on the rock surfaces was not done because those early Jaina migrants to Sravanabelgola did not carry with them a script.

This stark austerity, devoid of embellishments or, for that matter, even any type of rock-cuttings to render ascetic life less uncomfortable, is tellingly brought home by the description of the expansive, cold rock-surfaces scattered all over Sravanabelgola and, one of which Prabhachandra lay down and attained samadhi early in the 3rd century B.C. as prithula-tal-astirnna-tatasu sitasu sitalasu.

Be that as it may, epigraphical references to the construction or existance of Jaina places of worship in Karnataka begin to trickle in only from the 4th-5th centuries A.D. Ignoring for a moment .the possibility of a marginal error of a few decades, I may point out here that the relatively datable history of Karnataka's Jaina monuments commences towards the end of the 5th century A.D. with an epigraphical controversy generated by the Gudnapur inscription of Ravivarman of the early kadamba ruling house of Banavasi. The said controversy centres round what is, in all probability, a significant correction introduced in the text of that lithic record by the original engraver himself. From line 12 of this pillar inscription we learn that Kadamba Ravivarman caused the construction of a temple for Manmatha (tena uesma Manmathasyedam Ravina ksitindrena karitam). Further on in line 17 the same temple is referred to as that of Kama. Here the Sanskrit word for temple, as originally engraved, was devalaya. Subsequently, however, the letter de was corrected to read jt and the horizontal bottom line of the following letter va was erased so that devalaya could be read as jinalaya. While editing this inscription my friend Dr. B.R. Gopal, without pointing out that such correction had been effected, adopted the reading ji na laya as the intended one and had forcefully argued, drawing support from literary sources, that Kama, installed in that jinalaya was none other than Bahubali and that the worship of Bahubali in Karnataka can be dated back to the close of the 5th century A.D. Though the case for the Jaina orientation of the Gudnapur temple that was is further strengthened by the reference, further on in the same inscription, to the alaya of Padmavati, more likely the Jaina Yaksi of that name, some senior scholars have equally forcefully questioned the veracity of Dr. Gopal's conclusions. It is likely that further excavations, if conducted at Gudnapur, may help in bringing this controversy to an end. If, as a result, Dr. Gopal should be proved right we would be looking at the ruins of what would be the earliest datable brick-built Jaina temple in Karnataka. This is because, though we know from inscriptions that Ravivarman's predecessors and some Ganga rulers of Southern Karnataka who had preceded him in date, had also built Jaina temples, we have not so far been able to identify the sites of their construction or ruins.However, a clear picture and also a continuous history of Jaina art and architecture in Karnataka becomes available to us from the middle of the 6th century A.D. with the establishment of the Chalukyan hegemony in northern Karnataka and the consolidation Ganga power in Southern karnataka. And this continuous history of Karnataka's Jaina art and architecture always inevitably .reminds us of the wise words of A. Ghosh which I had quoted at the very commencement of this paper. The only difference is that in the case of Karnataka Ghosh's words are truer than in the case of mo'st other regions of India. For, with the exception of Gujarat, it was in Karnataka that Jainism enjoyed for long centuries great popularity, following and opulence, three necessary prerequisites for continuing architectural activities.

And, we can think of at least two very good reasons for this happy situation. One is that from early times Jainism had become an integral part of the religious life and rituals of even technically 'non-Jaina households. I have often been telling such of my friends as are interested in epigraphical data that even in those households in which men were staunch followers of Saivite and Vaisnavaite faiths, womenfolk had been equally staunch adherents of the Jaina faith. In fact the present day survival of a member of important pockets of Jainism in Karnataka is not a little due to the sustenance that religion had received from women at least until the middle of the 14th century A.D.

The other reason is that the Chalukyas, who had for the first time elevated the land of the Kannadiga to the status of a chakrauarti-ksetra, had made it their declared policy, prompted either by an enlightened outlook or by political exigencies, to patronise all the major religions of the Deccan with equal vigour. For proof I can do no better than take recourse to the text of an Alampur inscription of Chalukya, Vrjayditya (696-734 A.D.). While his own sua-dharma was Saivism, for promoting which he had done enough, Vijayaditya is eulogised in that record as having showered equal patronage on Vaisnavism, Buddhism and Jainism:

So= vjad=Bhagavatam-Bauddhau­Ji nendra ma tam-asritan,Sva-dharma-kriyaya visuamtirthyan-santarpayan-nripat

Therefore it is that we find in the Karnataka of the Chalukya-Ganga period due representation having been given to Jainism whether it is rock-cut caves or all­stone or brick religious edifices. This catholic policy did not end up as the fad or fancy of a single dynasty or of a single historical epoch but was bequeathed to their posterity by the Chalukyas and the Gangas. In the case of Jainism, unlike in the case of Buddhism, the effective application of this policy was rendered easier by the fact that Jainism had more or less patterned itself after the fashion of the brahmanical faiths in the matter and mores of rituals of everyday worship and hence fell in line, again more or less, with the same kind of architectural needs and designs. This meant that not much more of innovations and techniques were demanded of the artisans and engineers and not much more of extra investments from the patrons.

In this normal course I should at this stage give a chronological-cum­descriptive account of the Jaina monuments, sculptures, wood-carvings, and paintings of Karnataka. I, however, desist from doing so partly because I have no expertise in that field and partly because many such accounts have been earlier given by highly competent scholars in many publications. On the other hand I propose to share with you thoughts which had formed in my mind whenever I had visited Jaina monuments in any part of Karnataka. And, as an epigraphist, I had, indeed, had many such opportunities.

When one approaches a Jaina basadi in Karnataka from the front, more of ten than not, before he enters the m'ain building, he sets his eyes on the lofty, exquisitely carved manastambha raising skyward and cannot but be at once impressed. I have no doubt that Walhouse's words of ecstacy on seeing the manastambhas in front if the basad is of South Kanara hold good for all of them anywhere in Karnataka. He says "The whole capital and canopy are a wonder of light, elegant, highly decorated stone-work; and nothing can surpass the stately grace of those beautiful pillars whose proportions and adaptation to surrounding scenery are always perfect, and whose richness of decoration never offends".

Behind the manastambhas you have the basad is, either wholIy ruined or in various stages of survival or thoroughly and richly renovated. Speaking purely on a personal note, and without for a moment intending in the least to detract from their artistic excellence, value and appeal, I may reveal here that these splendid basadis of Karnataka had always generated in my mind great awe tinger with a sense of sadness. This sadness stems from my apprehension that religious quintescence and ostentation are two elements of contradiction and incompsibility, inversely proportionate to each other. It is after all true that all religions the world over have suffered progressive erosion of their intrinsic utilitarian values even as external manifestation of grandeur and astentation became progressively more and more pronounced. I am afraid well established facts of historical development prove that Jainism is no exception to this. Many are the basadis in Karnataka the ostentatious artistic and architectural beauty of which have been glorified by inscriptional poets of the past. For example. the massive Tribhuvana-chudamani -Chaityalaya of mudabidure, built in the thirties of the 15th century is graphically described by a contemporaneous inscriptional poet as follows:

Lalita-stambha-kadambamam madana-kayzamloveyam dvara-chi­tra-lata-bandhaman-vdgha-bhittiyan­adhishthan-adiym tere-te­r-olavim bannisi pelal-an-ariyen-ondamballen-a chaitya - kan ­salamam bhavisi Visvakarman-anugindamsvshamam tuguvam

This verse may be fully translated as follows:
"I cannot indeed describe in words graceful enough the various parts of the caityalaya such as the multitudes of elegant pillars, the madanika-bearing stouts, the frame-work of the sloping roof, the artistic creeper-bands at the doorway, the strong (or excellent) walls, the basement etc. but I know for sure one thing that Visvakarma, the celestial architect, on beholding the skillful execution of the caitya, sways his head in admiration.

Those who have seen this basadi will easily agree with me that there is no element of poetic exaggeration whatsoever in the above description. However, my own and purely personal thought is that the builders of this basadi, and there were so many of them, had travelled far from those remote times of Mahavira, but not necessarily on the path advocated by him.
But the tinge of sadness and the great awe that grip me when I am admiringly viewing the basadi vanishes the moment I stand before the cells face to face with the sublime serenity that exudes from every inch of the venerable idols of worship. The feeling of noble humanism promoted in our minds by these images in comparable with similar feelings we experience when we see those monolithic colossi, those absolute wonders unique for Karnataka, the open air Bahubali images at Sravanabelgola, Karkala and Venuru. Speaking in common of all these three Jaina colossi Walhouse observes: "The salient characteristics of all these colossi are the broad, square shoulders, very massive at the setting on of the arms; ... the thickness and remarkable length of the arms themselves; the tips of the fingers... nearly reaching the knees; the hands and nails very full, large and well-shapes. Considering the great massiveness of the upper part of the burst, the waist appears unnaturally slender; the legs are well proportioned... All the colossi are distinguished by cirspy, close-curled hair and pendulous ears". All these In their totally, when viewed in their natural surroundings unfailingly inculcate in the viewers mind the greatness of the Jaina's unselfish sacrifice for humanity. Before '1 conclude, I will revert once again to the tinge of sadness I have referred to above and confess that I do not suffer from such affliction when I visit and look at the gorgeous Saivite and Vaisnavite edifices, surely because, from time immorial, wasteful ostentation has been an inalienable part of the brahmanical faiths. On the other hand Jainism was born as a well meaning intellectual protest against these practices and extraneous elements. And in my reckoning, notwithstanding volumes that have been written on the artistic excellence of the Jaina monuments of Karnataka and elsewhere, which is all very true and is there for all to see, their role in the direct dissemination of the noble message of Jainism among the non­Jainas has been minimal. And this statement comprehends even the material manifestations of later Jainism. For, I recollect, with consternation, seeing at Nagai in North Karnataka a miniature, improvised temple in which a Digambara Jaina image, broken wt.ere it matters, in installed and worshipped by the local people as the goddess bettale- Basamma i.e. the naked asamma.

But this innocent misconception demonstrates in a telling, though not exemplary, manner the total merger of Jainism into the fabric of the everyday socio­religious life of the Kannadiga and of Karnataka. All that now remains for the devote followers of the Jaina to do is to remove such miscorkeptions and place Jainism and its art and architecture in proper perspective. With the firm hope that this will happen sooner or later, I will conclude by borrowing the words of a 15th century Chiftain of Karnataka:

alliya jinalayangal-ellavan­atibhaktiyinda vandipe nan
'I salute, with great devotion, all the Jaina temples of Karnataka'.